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2017
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ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
by
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University of California, Los Angeles, 2017
television show RuPaul’s Drag Race, drawing upon approaches and perspectives from LGBT
Studies, Media Studies, Gender Studies, Cultural Studies, and Performance Studies. Hosted by
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veteran drag performer RuPaul, Drag Race features drag queen entertainers vying for the title of
“America’s Next Drag Superstar.” Since premiering in 2009, the show has become a queer
cultural phenomenon that successfully commodifies and markets Camp and drag performance to
television audiences at heretofore unprecedented levels. Over its nine seasons, the show has
provided more than 100 drag queen artists with a platform to showcase their talents, and the
Drag Race franchise has expanded to include multiple television series and interactive live
events. The RuPaul’s Drag Race phenomenon provides researchers with invaluable
opportunities not only to consider the function of drag in the 21st Century, but also to explore the
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While most scholars analyze RuPaul’s Drag Race primarily through content analysis of
the aired television episodes, this dissertation combines content analysis with ethnography in
order to connect the television show to tangible practices among fans and effects within drag
communities. Incorporating primarily content analysis methods, the first two chapters study the
integral role that Camp plays on RuPaul’s Drag Race, as a form of queer social memory and a
set of economic strategies. Chapter One analyzes how Drag Race uses encoded Camp references
to activate audiences’ memories and confer queer cultural status onto the referenced materials.
Chapter Two investigates how the show uses Camp to build a Drag Race-based economy,
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through a process that I call Camp Capitalism. Incorporating primarily ethnographic methods,
the latter two chapters study how RuPaul’s expanding Drag Race economy impacts fan
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consumers and drag artists. Chapter Three draws upon participant observation data from three
years of RuPaul’s DragCon, in order to analyze how Camp Capitalism operates in RuPaul’s
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expanding economy. Chapter Four presents interviews with three Los Angeles-based drag
queens, who identify tangible impacts that Drag Race has on their lives and communities.
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Through this interdisciplinary study, I demonstrate how Camp theory and ethnographic methods
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The dissertation of Carl Douglas Schottmiller is approved.
Sharon J Traweek
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University of California, Los Angeles
2017
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For Mamu
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………….vii
Vita………………………………………………………………………………………………..xi
INTRODUCTION
“Laying the foundation”
Developing a Critical Camp Analysis of RuPaul’s Drag Race………………...……..…..1
CHAPTER ONE
“Excuse my beauty!”
Camp Referencing and Memory Activation on RuPaul’s Drag Race…………………...54
CHAPTER TWO
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“Available on iTunes”
Camp Capitalism and RuPaul’s Commercial Drag Economy……………………….…120
CHAPTER THREE
“You have to buy stuff”
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Participant Observations from RuPaul’s DragCon…………………………………..…188
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CHAPTER FOUR
“Treat yourself as a business”
Queens Discuss the RuPaul’s Drag Race Phenomenon………………………….…….241
CONCLUSION
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Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………...298
List of Informants………………………………………………………………………………316
Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………320
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation, a labor of love, would not exist without the generous support and
collaboration of numerous individuals. First and foremost, I must thank RuPaul Andre Charles
and World of Wonder productions (in particular Fenton Bailey, Randy Barbato, and Tom
Campbell) for creating a television phenomenon that celebrates Camp, LGBTQ history, and
queer identities. RuPaul’s Drag Race provides a platform for showcasing the genius of drag
artistry, and the franchise both inspires millions of fans around the world and presents one of the
most historically significant television representations of queer culture. Without the creative
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genius and hard work of RuPaul and World of Wonder, my project could not exist. I also must
thank the brilliant drag queens, kings, and “in-betweens” who constantly inspire me through their
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artistry and social-political activism. Drag performers and “screaming queens” have been at the
forefront of LGBTQ rights movements, and their hard work and sacrifices have made drag what
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it is today.
Over the past six years, I had the privilege to interview 89 informants during my
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fieldwork in Los Angeles. These individuals include Los Angeles-based drag performers, queer
artists, RuPaul’s DragCon attendees, and RuPaul’s Drag Race superfans. My informants
generously shared their experiences and perspectives with me, and this dissertation would not
exist without their input. While I individually acknowledge all my informants on page 316, I
want to thank Jasmine Masters, Cake Moss, and Dani T in particular for contributing lengthy
interviews to this project. These brilliant drag queens provided invaluable insight into how the
RuPaul’s Drag Race phenomenon impacts their lives and communities. My informants guided
this project and challenged me to reflect on my own scholarly positionality and interpretation of
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My brilliant committee members provided generous mentorship, guidance, feedback, and
support throughout the dissertation process. Completing this project was immensely challenging,
and I am very privileged to have worked with a group of such dedicated and thoughtful scholars.
I am eternally grateful for the lessons they have taught me and the conversations we have shared.
Professor David Gere expertly guided my Camp analysis and provided thorough feedback on my
work, from largescale theoretical questions to the minutiae of writing style. His dedication,
mentorship, and advocacy shaped every aspect of this dissertation. Professor David Delgado
Shorter guided my thinking and research into drag scholarship and ethical ethnographic
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fieldwork. I am a better scholar and writer because of his generous feedback and mentorship.
Professor Mary (Polly) Nooter Roberts introduced me to Memory theory and directly shaped my
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work on Camp memory. I am immensely privileged to have learned from and worked with such
and financial support. The faculty and staff of the Department of World Arts and Cultures/Dance
taught me the interdisciplinary skills needed to conduct this project. Over the course of my
Doctoral work, I had the privilege to learn from Professors Al Roberts, Janet O’Shea, and Susan
Leigh Foster in various seminars. Their invaluable feedback helped to shape my project. I am
indebted to the support, mentorship, and friendship from the faculty and staff of UCLA’s
Disability Studies program. Victoria Marks, Kyle McJunkin, Brooke Wilkinson, Pia Palomo,
Beth Goodhue, Doran George, Sara Wolf, Mana Hayakawa, Fred Ariel Hernandez, and Amanda
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Apgar taught me so much through our collaborations. Professor Alicia Gaspar de Alba and
UCLA’s LGBTQ Studies program provided me with teaching opportunities to explore themes
from this dissertation. The department of World Arts and Cultures/Dance also provided generous
funding for my work through multiple Conference/Research Travel Grants, without which I
could not have conducted my research. UCLA’s Graduate Division also provided generous
funding through a Dissertation Year Fellowship, Research Travel Grant, and University
Fellowships.
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the dissertation process. Anna Brooks Creagh provided thorough feedback on my project at
multiple conference presentations. Our many conversations about drag helped to shape and
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refine this project. Mana Hayakawa consistently provided brilliant insight and feedback on my
research and writing. Her support and collaboration were integral to this project, am I am
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immensely privileged to work with such a rigorous and brilliant scholar. Throughout the
dissertation process, Sarah Wilbur, Pallavi Sriram, Barry Brannum, Rita Martins Rufino Valente-
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Quinn, Alessandra Williams, Sylvia Ruiz, Antwann Michael, Frankie, and Cooper provided
feedback and support that made this project possible. Amy Elizabeth Alterman and Sara
Over the course of writing this dissertation, I received invaluable feedback from multiple
colleagues at different conferences. Thank you to the audience members who attended my
presentations and provided feedback on my work at the annual meetings of the American
Folklore Society, Western States Folklore Society, and the Popular Culture
presentations organized by the graduate cohort of UCLA’s World Arts and Cultures/Dance
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program. Andrew Wentink, a generous colleague whom I both greatly admire and am proud to
call a friend, shaped my work through our multiple conversations. Bruce E. Drushel and Brian
M. Peters provided both feedback on my work and the opportunity to publish in their brilliant
anthology on Camp. A truncated version of my first chapter was included in Drushel and Peters’
2017 edited anthology Sontag and the Camp Aesthetic: Advancing New Perspectives, published
by Rowman & Littlefield. Thank you to Patricia Zline, Rights and Permissions Assistant with
Rowman & Littlefield, for allowing me to include the expanded chapter in this dissertation.
Last, but by no means least, thank you to my family for their support in completing this
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project. Jan Robinson, your sacrifices, love, and dedication made this possible, and I am
eternally grateful to you and Doug Robinson for all that you have given me. Doug and Susie
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Schottmiller, thank you for your encouragement and unwavering support. Margie Slagle, thank
you for your support and making my life complete. To all the Schottmillers, Gillens, McNears,
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Slagles, and Tallaricos, thank you for making this project possible.
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VITA
EDUCATION__________________________________________________________________
2009 M.A. Folklore, University of California, Berkeley, United States
2007 B.A. English and Women’s Studies, Ohio University, United States
PUBLICATIONS_______________________________________________________________
2017 “‘Excuse My Beauty!’: Camp Referencing and Memory Activation on RuPaul’s Drag
Race.” In Sontag and the Camp Aesthetic: Advancing New Perspectives, edited by Bruce
E. Drushel and Brian M. Peters, 111-130. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2017.
“‘Wir Sind Alle Freaks’: Elevating White Gay Male Oppression Through
Representations of Disability.” In Reading American Horror Story: Essays on the
Television Franchise, edited by Rebecca Janicker, 104-126. Jefferson City: McFarland
Press, 2017.
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2013 If These Stalls Could Talk: Gendered Identity and Performativity through Latrinalia.
Saarbrücken: LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, 2013.
2014 Disability Studies 195CE: Community and Corporate Internships in Disability Studies
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2013 World Arts and Cultures 51W: Aliens, Psychics, and Ghosts (teaching assistant)
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“Homonormative Freakshow: Elevating White Gay Male Oppression by Normalizing Ableism
on American Horror Story,” Popular Culture Association/American Culture Association
National Conference, New Orleans, LA, April 1, 2015
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“Addressing Issues of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion in the Classroom,” Teaching Assistant
Seminar, University of California, Los Angeles, November 18, 2016
“Intersections Between Queer and Disability Studies,” Introduction to LGBT Studies, University
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of California, Los Angeles, July 7, 2016
“Camp, Drag, and Walt Disney,” Introduction to American Folklore, University of California,
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Los Angeles, November 18, 2015
“An American Horror Story: Freak Shows, Disability, and Cultural Others,” Perspectives on
Disability, California State University, Los Angeles, October 29, 2015
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“‘I Just Want to Help’: Reconsidering Giving through Disability Studies,” Perspectives on
Disability, University of California, Los Angeles, October 5, 2015
“Trans Identities: Language and Performance,” Introduction to Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and
Transgender Studies, University of California, Los Angeles, July 3, 2014
2015-2016 Five Conference Research/Travel Grants, UCLA World Arts and Cultures/Dance
Research Travel Grant, UCLA Graduate Division
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Introduction
“Laying the foundation”
Developing a Critical Camp Analysis of RuPaul’s Drag Race
Since premiering on February 2, 2009, the RuPaul’s Drag Race television series has
become a queer cultural phenomenon that successfully commodifies and markets drag
television show, RuPaul’s Drag Race features nine-to-fourteen drag queen entertainers as they
vie for the title of “America’s Next Drag Superstar.” Hosted by RuPaul, the veteran drag queen
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performer, the show is both a massive commercial success and one of the most historically
significant contributions to queer television. Over its nine seasons, RuPaul’s Drag Race has
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provided over 100 drag queen artists with a platform to showcase their talents, and the franchise
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now includes multiple television series and interactive live events. Because of this success, the
franchise creates a heretofore unprecedented level of public visibility for gay men of varying
gender identities and trans women, many of whom are people of color. The RuPaul’s Drag Race
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phenomenon provides researchers with invaluable opportunities not only to consider the function
of drag in the 21st Century, but also to explore the cultural and economic ramifications of this
reality television franchise. In just seven years, RuPaul and the show’s producers have created a
Drag Race-based economy in which Camp and drag attain unprecedented levels of cultural,
When I first started writing about the show circa 2011, I adopted an analytical approach
similar to most Drag Race scholars by focusing on issues of representation. I initially wanted to
discuss how the show’s episodes accurately or inaccurately portrayed diverse drag and queer
cultures, histories, and identities. Through this engagement, I sought to understand how RuPaul’s
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Drag Race commodifies and commercializes drag performance for queer and straight television
audiences. Similar to other Drag Race scholars, I harshly criticized the show for what I
understood to be its shortcomings: how Drag Race seemingly valued glamorous queens above
other forms of drag, how the show perpetuated hegemonic and offensively stereotypical notions
of identity, how the show’s platform failed to promote drag artists outside drag queens, and how
the show espoused a normative politics at odds with drag’s radical, subversive history. At this
level of representation, Drag Race disturbed me, and yet, I continued to watch each season
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As I screened the episodes over and over, I started to approach the show with a more
complex analysis. I soon discovered that a focus on representation, while crucial for critically
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engaging the franchise, could peel back only one layer of the Drag Race phenomenon. The more
time I spent studying the show’s use of Camp, the more I began to appreciate the intricacy and
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genius of RuPaul’s Drag Race. Over the past seven years, I studied Camp scholarship from
brilliant queer writers in order to understand the historical significance of this practice. I
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extensively researched RuPaul’s pre-Drag Race career by watching available videos of her
1980s underground cinema work, appearances on the New York Public Access station “The
American Music Show,” her 1990s Christmas special, and her 1990s VH1 talk-fest The RuPaul
Show. I read Ru’s books, purchased and listened to her music catalogue, and watched her
filmography and videography.1 At the same time, I watched and re-watched countless Camp
films and television shows. Through this research, I learned how much Ru’s career informs
1
Throughout this dissertation, I interchangeably use the pronouns “he” and “she” when describing
RuPaul. I use “she” most often when Ru appears in female drag, and I use “he” most often when Ru
appears in male drag—although slippages may occur. Some readers could take offense to this approach;
however, in using both pronouns, I respect and adapt RuPaul’s Camp approach to pronoun usage. As he
writes in her autobiography, “You can call me he, you can call me she, you can call me Regis and Kathie
Lee, just so long as you call me” (RuPaul 1995:viii).
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RuPaul’s Drag Race, as well as how intricately the show parodies and references Camp classics
from queer history. I gained a newfound appreciation for the show’s use of Camp references,
double entendre, parody, and irony, and I discovered how I needed to immerse myself in Camp
At the same time, I participated in and observed the expanding RuPaul’s Drag Race
economy. Over the past six years living in Los Angeles, I attended officially sponsored Drag
Race premiere parties, live finale tapings, touring drag shows, the opening of RuPaul’s Pop-Up
shop in Hollywood, and three years of the weekend-long drag convention, RuPaul’s DragCon. I
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interviewed over sixty Drag Race superfans at these events in order to understand how they
engage with the franchise, and I spoke with multiple Los Angeles-based drag artists to
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understand how the Drag Race phenomenon impacts their lives. Through this research, I
discovered that current scholarly considerations of RuPaul’s Drag Race, including my own, did
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not fully capture the show’s complexity, sophistication, evolving permutations of Camp, and
impact on drag performers. While discussions of representation are crucial for understanding the
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show’s politics, these approaches alone cannot fully account for the show’s influence beyond
television visibility. My dissertation fills this gap through a critical Camp analysis of RuPaul’s
I started watching RuPaul’s Drag Race shortly after the series’ premiere in 2009. I
cannot recall exactly how I first learned about the show, but looking back, I assume that I either
read about the premiere from an LGBTQ-themed online site/blog or heard of Drag Race from a
word-of-mouth source. Regardless, I could not wait to consume the show because of my
profound love for drag cultures and histories. Growing up a closeted, white gay man in a
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religiously and politically conservative working class area outside Cincinnati, Ohio, I became an
avid fan of drag artistry from an early age. I frequently listened to RuPaul’s music, particularly
“Supermodel” and “Snapshot,” and I lovingly consumed the fine drag cinema available at the
local Blockbuster video. Watching The Rocky Horror Picture Show; To Wong Foo, Thanks for
Everything! Julie Newmar; and Hedwig and the Angry Inch was an invigorating experience for
my teenaged self. Although usually performed by cis straight male actors, these drag
performances still gave me an exhilarating sense of comfort. If these drag artists could embrace
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gender identity, and queer sexuality were not inherently shameful. At the time, I understood
neither the intricate layers of identity representation in these films nor their resulting political
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ramifications. I consumed them lovingly and uncritically.
After “coming out” to close female friends later in high school, I attended my first live
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drag performance at a charity event for a Cincinnati HIV/AIDS-based organization. Wearing a
sequin gown and gigantic stiletto heels, the drag queen performer kicked, twirled, and
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cartwheeled into the splits, all while lip-syncing Whitney Houston’s “I Wanna Dance with
Somebody.” I was enthralled by the exhilaration of live drag performance, and though an
infrequent activity until later in my life, attending drag shows at queer bars became one of my
favorite delights. On my own, with queer friends, and then later for course credit in college
LGBT Studies courses, I learned more and more about drag. I watched Pink Flamingos for the
first time with my high school friend and her mother (who had no recollection of the movie’s
actual content when she allowed us to screen the film). Immediately, I fell in love with both John
Waters’ trashy Camp aesthetic and Divine’s genderfuck drag. I then purchased the complete
John Waters film oeuvre. After starting college at Ohio University in 2007, I studied Camp and
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drag through texts by Esther Newton, Judith Butler, José Esteban Muñoz, and Susan Sontag. In
an academic setting, I watched the drag documentaries The Queen, Paris Is Burning, Wigstock,
Because small-town Athens, Ohio did not have a gay bar, I could not attend drag
performances regularly. Nevertheless, I anticipated our infrequent, local amateur drag shows and
the larger LGBT Pride Month drag extravaganza featuring Vaginal Crème Davis, whose
“terrorist drag” blew my mind. When I moved to Berkeley in 2007 for graduate school, I started
attending drag shows in San Francisco and learned about the area’s drag cultures. Heklina’s
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weekly drag show introduced me to drag kings, faux queens, and non-binary drag artists. On
multiple occasions, I watched Sister Roma and the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence raise money
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for LGBTQ organizations, using their drag as a form of queer political activism and protest. I
advertises itself as providing LGBT-specific content, I could not wait to see how the show would
represent drag’s complex and multifaceted history.2 The brainchild of gay male Executive
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Producers RuPaul, Tom Campbell, Randy Barbato, and Fenton Bailey, RuPaul’s Drag Race is a
reality television competition show that parodies America’s Next Top Model and Project
Runway. Through weekly mini challenges, main challenges, themed runway presentations, and a
final “Lip Sync For Your Life” battle, RuPaul and a panel of judges evaluate contestants
according to their “Charisma, Uniqueness, Nerve, and Talent.” In addition to showcasing the
2
A subsidiary of MTV Networks/Viacom, Logo TV is the “world's leading ad-supported cable, satellite,
online, mobile and digital entertainment gay and lesbian-themed network” (Bibel 2014). The network
reaches over 53 million U.S. homes, airs internationally, and provides free digital streaming of its
programming through its official website, its downloadable Logo TV App, and various social media
platforms including Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram (ibid).
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talents of drag queen performers through these various structured challenges, the show also
provides viewers with a “behind-the-scenes” look at Camp and queer culture through
on location in Los Angeles, California, RuPaul’s Drag Race is produced by World of Wonder
(WOW), a company run by Randy Barbato and Fenton Bailey, two long-term collaborators with
RuPaul.3
During its first season, RuPaul’s Drag Race was a little-known part of the reality
television landscape, dwarfed by such competitors as Survivor, American Idol, Project Runway,
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and America’s Next Top Model. In 2009, the show’s fan base consisted of a relatively small,
mostly LGBTQ-identified cult following. A few queer websites, such as Dlisted, provided
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humorous coverage of the show, but overall RuPaul’s Drag Race did not have a very large
online presence or social media following. During its first few seasons, Drag Race was not
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particularly accessible. Living in overpriced San Francisco, I could not afford the monthly cable
bill for Logo TV, so I consumed the show primarily by downloading episodes from iTunes. By
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logging onto Logo TV’s website, I watched the accompanying online spin-off show, Under The
Hood. This series featured RuPaul narrating behind-the-scenes footage of the Season One
contestants as they waited backstage during judges’ deliberations. I found Season One to be
wonderfully low-budget and hilariously campy, but I also disliked the show’s seemingly limited
representation of drag. The judges more often praised glamorous styles of drag performance, and
3
Founded in 1991, World of Wonder produces reality and documentary television programs, feature
films, and online/digital media for multiple networks in the U.S. and U.K. WOW almost always produces
content related to LGBTQ people/cultures or Camp figures, such as a documentary about Christian
televangelist Tammy Faye Bakker (narrated by RuPaul). As of 2015, WOW started producing
conventions, with the advent of RuPaul’s DragCon, a now annual drag-related convention held in Los
Angeles and New York City. For a fuller history of World of Wonder, see: Fenton Bailey and Randy
Barbato, The World According to Wonder (Santa Clara: Almaden Press, 2012).
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I did not see San Francisco’s genderfuck-style drag represented. While the show gave drag
queens a platform, the series did not showcase the brilliant drag kings, faux queens, and non-
binary performers I watched in local clubs onto the program. In spite of these flaws, I
appreciated the show’s queer visibility, and I enjoyed the product as a distinctly subcultural, cult
commodity. In 2009, I could not fathom the exponential growth and unprecedented commercial
success that RuPaul’s Drag Race would achieve over the next seven years.
By Season Two, the series added a televised spin-off, RuPaul’s Drag Race: Untucked. A
retooling of Under the Hood, Untucked showcased behind-the-scenes footage as queens waited
backstage during judges’ deliberations.4 This series started airing directly after RuPaul’s Drag
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Race, making the Drag Race experience a 90-minute televised extravaganza. By 2010, the
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franchise added another spin-off series, RuPaul’s Drag U, which featured Drag Race contestants
giving makeovers to female participants. Hosted by RuPaul, Drag U was more similar in format
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to the reality show Queer Eye for the Straight Guy than RuPaul’s Drag Race. I purchased and
watched Drag U but ultimately found the concept less interesting compared to Drag Race.5 From
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2009 to 2011, I repeatedly watched episodes of Drag Race, discussed the show with friends,
observed the growing online fan base, and read the first scholarly publications on the show. Most
of these texts discussed the show’s identity politics through issues of representation, and I found
myself agreeing with the general critiques. Like other scholars, I found the show’s celebration of
stereotypes troubling, particularly when the performances seemingly perpetuated racist tropes.
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For Seasons Two to Six, Untucked aired on Logo immediately after RuPaul’s Drag Race. For Seasons
Seven to Nine, Untucked became a web series, which World of Wonder uploaded to its YouTube channel,
WOWPRESENTS, the day after RuPaul’s Drag Race aired. For the upcoming Season Ten, Untucked will
return to television and air on VH1.
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Drag U aired for three consecutive seasons and featured a rotating cast of RuPaul’s Drag Race alumni,
as well as a panel of judges that included legendary drag queen Lady Bunny.
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After watching two seasons of Drag Race, I applied to UCLA’s Culture and Performance Ph.D.
program in order to write a dissertation on RuPaul’s Drag Race. While I did not yet have a
clearly defined analytical framework, I wanted to expand the discussion of RuPaul’s Drag Race
by incorporating ethnographic methods and theories from Cultural and Performance Studies.
Moving to Los Angeles provided me with ample opportunities to participate in the local drag
scenes and to interview drag artists, both those privileged enough to compete on Drag Race and
the “local” performers. Through this research, I wanted to understand how the show affects the
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In 2012, as I took classes and started to write about the show, the RuPaul’s Drag Race
franchise began to expand exponentially through additional television and web-based content, as
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well as interactive live events. With Season Four’s premiere in 2012, Drag Race started to gain a
much larger viewership and fan base. The Season Four premiere episode and accompanying
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Untucked together reached nearly one million viewers (Shumaker 2012). These numbers set a
record for Logo TV’s highest rated premiere and marked a 50% increase in viewership from the
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Season Three premiere. In order to grow the Drag Race fan base, Logo increased the number of
interactive, online marketing efforts on platforms including Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr, GetGlue,
and Foursquare (Winslow 2012). This marketing campaign provided fans with animated GIFs,
memes, and contestant trading cards, in the hopes of building a more interactive online fan
community. These efforts paid off, and over the course of Season Four, the Drag Race Twitter
following increased by 77%, and the Facebook page accrued a 33% increase in likes (Slane
2012).
I noticed a significant increase in both online fan discussion and disturbing behavior
during Season Four, as I started to participate more and more in these online communities.
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Through different social media platforms, some members of the fan base started to send vitriolic
insults to the drag queens. Contestants who came across as “villains” on the show, particularly
Season Four contestant Phi Phi O’Hara, received incredibly hateful comments and death threats.
I observed how these often (but not always) younger fans berated the drag queens and treated
them as subhuman, as if their appearance on an edited reality television show justified such
online violence. This behavior often manifested in forms of racism, particularly anti-black
racism. Online fan communities berated Season Two winner Tyra Sanchez, a black queen, with
anti-black racist slurs and derogatory comments. I was horrified (but unsurprised) to observe
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how Logo’s push for increased social media fan interaction manifested in vitriol and hatred—a
trend that has only increased with the show’s growing visibility.
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To capitalize on Season Four’s increased popularity, World of Wonder introduced three
spin-off series between the end of Season Four and start of Season Six. RuPaul’s Drag Race: All
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Stars and an accompanying All Stars Untucked premiered in 2012, following completion of Drag
Race’s fourth season. These shows follow the same format as Drag Race and Untucked, except
they feature a returning cast of select Drag Race alumni.6 Also in 2012, the LGBT travel
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company Al and Chuck (a frequent sponsor of RuPaul’s Drag Race) started a Drag Stars at Sea
cruise. These events feature live performances from RuPaul’s Drag Race alumni and other drag
artists not directly affiliated with the show. As of this writing, Al and Chuck have sponsored over
eleven Drag Stars at Sea cruises, which travel to locations across the Caribbean, Europe, Greece,
Cuba, Australia, and Russia. I have not yet participated in these events because I cannot afford
the high costs, which average around $1,000 for a seven-day trip. In 2013, the television lineup
6
As of this writing, World of Wonder has produced and aired two seasons of All Stars. The first season
featured an accompanying Untucked. The second season did not include an Untucked. A third season of
All Stars has finished filming and is scheduled to air in early 2018.
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introduced RuPaul’s Drag Race: RuVealed into the mix. In order to (re)introduce more recent
Drag Race fans to Season One, World of Wonder repackaged the first season as RuVealed: The
Lost Season. Similar in format to the VH1 music video series “Pop-Up Video,” RuVealed
provides viewers with insider information through pop-up commentary from RuPaul (or other
By 2013, the officially-sponsored RuPaul’s Drag Race: Battle of the Seasons (BOTS)
tour began travelling to select cities in the United States and Canada. This tour is a much larger
enterprise than the live drag shows that accompanied Drag Race’s first five seasons. One of the
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show’s main advertisers for Seasons One to Five, Absolut Vodka sponsored these early tours that
were held in smaller venues, more often local gay clubs such as Micky’s in West Hollywood.
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After Absolut stopped sponsoring Drag Race in 2013 for undisclosed reasons, Producer
Entertainment Group (PEG) started to manage the renamed RuPaul’s Drag Race: Battle of the
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Seasons (BOTS) tour.8 This live show traveled to larger venues and stopped at more locations,
which eventually grew to include select cities throughout the continental U.S., Canada, Europe,
production/management companies such as Voss Events and Murray & Peter started to sponsor
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As of this writing, the Drag Race franchise includes RuVealed versions of Seasons One, Four, Five, Six,
Eight, Nine and Seven.
8
PEG is one of the largest management companies that signs select Drag Race contestants and talent.
They now have an official store in Los Angeles where fans can purchase merchandise from PEG-signed
artists.
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The inaugural Battle of the Seasons tour premiered in September 2013 and ran until May 2014, covering
dates in select U.S. and Canadian cities. The 2015 “BOTS Condragulations tour” covered 35 dates in
select cities across the U.S. and Canada. The most recent 2016 “BOTS Extravaganza tour” covered 69
dates in cities throughout the U.S., Canada, Australia, Canada, Singapore, Mexico, and Europe (including
the U.K., Ireland, Belgium, Norway, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, German, and Spain).
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