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Antropofagia (Cultural cannibalism)

2012, Dictionary of Latin American Studies / "Antropofagia.” Dictionary of Latin American Cultural Studies. Robert McKee Irwin and Mónica Szurmuk (eds.). Gainesville: The University Press of Florida (2012): 22-28.

Abstract

Jáuregui, Carlos. “Antropofagia.” Dictionary of Latin American Cultural Studies. Robert McKee Irwin and Mónica Szurmuk (eds.). Gainesville: The University Press of Florida (2012): 22-28.

Key takeaways

  • The Brazilian modernist anthropophagy movement, elaborated in the late 1920s by Oswald de Andrade (1890-1954 and others in the Revista de Antropofagia (1928Antropofagia ( -1929 and its iconic "Manifesto antropófago" (1928), is a central reference in literary and cultural studies.
  • Anthropophagy appears as yet another modernist attempt to offer a symbolic answer to the questions and anxieties posed by both cultural influence and the asynchrony of Brazilian modernity.
  • Cultural studies usually refers to the first moment, and primarily to Andrade's "Manifesto:' This text is usually read with a preconceived formula for its interpretation, so the few aphorisms quoted from it serve the purpose of confirming that anthropophagy "proposed" the creative consumption of European cultural capital in the tropics in order to produce a national culture beyond the anxieties of influence.
  • The end of anthropophagy coincides with the economic crisis triggered by the 1929 stock market crash, the ruin of Sao Paulo's coffee bourgeoisie, and the rise of Getulio Vargas to power in 1930. International capitalism devoured modernist fortunes and optimism, together with anthropophagy's answers to the dilemma of modernization.
  • In the 1960s, after Andrade's death, anthropophagy attracted renewed interest due to two circumstances: first, the 1967 premiere of Andrade's 0 rei da vela (1933) by the Group of Celso Martinez Correa, which ridiculed Brazil's underdeveloped industry and criticized the national bourgeoisie's alliance with international capitalism, and second, the success of the musical and cultural movement Tropicalia that took from anthropophagy its irony toward hardcore nationalism, and its formula for creative appropriation-now of rock-and-roll and 1960s avant-garde counterculture (Perrone; Dunn).
Dictionary of Latin American Cultural Studies UN !VERSI'J'Y PRESS OF FLOHI DJ\ Florido A&M University, Tallahassee Florida Atlantic Univers1ty. Boca Raton Florida Gulf Coast University, Fl. Myers Florida International University, Miami Florida State University, Tallahassee New College of Florida, Sarasota University of Central Florida, Or lando University of Florida, Gainesville lJ1tivcrsily of North Florida, JacksOIIVille University of South Florida, Tampa Universtty of \tVesl Florida. Pensacola 22 · Carlos Jáuregui Anthropophagy Carlos Jáuregui Cannibalism, as a trope that sustains the very distinction between savagery and civilization, is a cornerstone of colonialism. However, from the European visions of a savage New World to the (post)colonial and postmodern narratives of contemporary cultural production, the metaphor of cannibalism has been not just a paradigm of otherness but also a trope of self-recognition, a model for the incorporation of diference, and a central concept in the deinition of Latin American identities. he Brazilian modernist anthropophagy movement, elaborated in the late 1920s by Oswald de Andrade (1890–1954) and others in the Revista de Antropofagia (1928–1929) and its iconic “Manifesto antropófago” (1928), is a central reference in literary and cultural studies. Canonized as an avant la lettre Latin American cultural theory on consumption and a countercolonial discourse, anthropophagy has become an obligatory genealogical foundation for contemporary academic debates on hybridity and postcolonialism. However, anthropophagy was not an academic movement, a theory of identity formation through consumption, or a social emancipation program. It was a heterogeneous and oten contradictory aesthetic venture. As Antônio Cândido indicated in 1970: “It is diicult to say what exactly anthropophagy is, since Oswald never formulated it, although he let enough elements to see some virtual principles under the aphorisms” (84–85, translation ours). So rather than being the only original Brazilian philosophy (A. de Campos), “the most original meta-cultural theory ever produced in Latin America to the present day” (Viveiros de Castro 25, translation ours), a Latin American translation theory (Barbosa and Whyler), or even a counter-colonial proposal (Santiago; Vieira; Cocco), anthropophagy has become these things and more as it has been appropriated, resigniied, and transformed; paradoxically consumed and devoured. he relation of 1928–29 anthropophagy to consumption is less theoretical than symbolic and historical. As Andrade himself recognized, Brazilian modernism originated in the mentality created by São Paulo’s industrialist push for an export-oriented capitalism. At the end of the nineteenth century, São Paulo initiated an accelerated process of modernization and urban development based on government-protected cofee exports (Fausto). Anthropophagy · 23 Between 1890 and 1920, the population of Sao Paulo increased from some 65,000 to 580,000 and the city gained a modern face: buildings, electricity, phones, trains, public transportation, automobiles, and social unrest. The development of a labor-intensive industrialization was accompanied by immigration, the growth of an urban proletariat, and an exaggerated enthusiasm for industrial development, all of which occurred within a still predominantly agricultural economy. This enthusiasm for progress had its aesthetic complement in the formation of small groups of cosmopolitan intellectuals, consumers of modern cultural artifacts of Europe and North America. They imagined Brazil to be on the verge of modernity, yet they were confronted with the reality of a country still treading in the waters of underdevelopment. The emblematic Semana de Arte Moderna in 1922 is often cited as the beginning moment of Brazilian modernism, although such origins could be traced to the 1917 debate over Anita Malfatti's expressionist paintings, or even to the controversial reception of futurism in 1910s. The Semana tried to offer a modernizing shock therapy to local literature and arts with a series of events, concerts, exhibits, conferences, and recitals sponsored by millionaires of the coffee economy, such as Paulo Prado. Brazil exported coffee and other raw materials and imported the latest trends of European culture, including futurism, dadaism, cubism, modern architecture, and psychoanalysis, together with expensive cars, fashions, and technological wonders (not to mention cheap labor). A frantic modernist marathon of events, publications, and conspicuous consumption sought to produce an aesthetic modernity by-as Andrade indicated in his earlier "Manifesto de Poesia Pau Brasil" (1924)-synchronizing the outdated neoclassicist clock of national literature and arts trapped by academicism and traditional cultural institutions. Modernization presented both an economic challenge and a cultural dilemma for a lettered elite within an overwhelmingly illiterate society. How to be modern without surrendering one's Brazilian cultural specificity? The definition of national culture was, as throughout Latin America, divided between cosmopolitanism and several fo.rms of localism marked by nationalistic or regional cultural anxieties. Pau- Brasil had tried to mediate between these two extremes. Assuming the name of the dye-producing brazilwood of early colonial exports, modernists claimed to have "rediscovered Brazil:' Baroque architecture, religious festivities, and other local "anachronisms" represented a sort of raw material to be processed by national modern art, using the cosmopolitan aesthetic tools of cubism, cinematographic language, and so on. Pau-Brazilian modernism was supposed to transform the timeless 24 · Carlos Jauregui national "native originality" and "innocence" into global cultural commodities: primitivist-yet-modern "poetry for exportation:' For Andrade the problem was how to "be regional and pure in our time," reconciling localism with modernity, against the problematic archaism of academia and the arts. Like Martin Barbero or Garcia Canclini today, Andrade conceived Latin American modernity as a heterogeneous ensemble of the primitive and the modern: favelas, tacky colors, carnival, shamans, and tropical laziness together with futurist references to airplanes, skyscrapers, and electric turbines. Anticipating anthropophagy, Andrade declared: "Just Brazilians in our own times .... Everything digested:' Thus, Brazilian modernists embraced a modernity produced by cultural consumption, first of European symbolic goods and then of the vernacular national culture reprocessed with cosmopolitan techniques. Before being a "cannibal;' the modernist artist was indeed a cultural consumer with his taste split between the cultural signifiers of Western modernity and those of the local color, with no choice but to embrace the "double and present base" of Brazilian modernity. Yet modernist cultural consumption was still regarded as a passive stance toward foreign cultural influence. The "digestion" of European suits, books, theories, and high art did not look very Brazilian to many traditionalists, even with the "local spice" of Pau Brasil's master trope. The Recife Group of Gilberta Freyre and Jose Lins do Rego exalted Luso-African culture and cuisine, rejecting "foreign preserves, Swiss pharmaceuticals, and U.S. novelties" in their "Manifesto regionalista'' of 1926. A movement in 1926-29 even called itself Verde-Amarelismo from the green and yellow of the national flag. For Andrade this kind of uber-nationalism basically advocated "the closing of the ports:' As a conceptual character, the cannibal evoked imaginary indigenous "origins" for Brazil, inverting the negative connotations of the colonial stereotype and rendering a very "Brazilian" consumer of the foreign. Anthropophagy appears as yet another modernist attempt to offer a symbolic answer to the questions and anxieties posed by both cultural influence and the asynchrony of Brazilian modernity. Not surprisingly, anthropophagy has been seen as a "misplaced idea'' and a triumphalist aesthetic interpretation of Brazilian underdevelopment (Schwarz, Misplaced Ideas; R. Ortiz, A moderna cultura). Anthropophagy had at least two historic moments during Andrade's life, first in 1928-29 as a collective modernist movement around the Revista (in turn divided into two distinct periods), and later in the 1950s when Andrade revisited his modernist utopian roots. Cultural studies usually refers Anthro[Jophagy 25 to the first moment, and primarily to Andrade's "Manifesto:' This text is usually read with a preconceived formula for its interpretation, so the few aphorisms quoted from it serve the purpose of confirming that anthropophagy "proposed" the creative consumption of European cultural capital in the tropics in order to produce a national culture beyond the anxieties of influence. Little of the "Manifesto" supports this interpretation; most of its 52 paragraphs instead refer to other matters such as utopian visions of the sexual freedom of the indigenous, the oppressive role of reason and science, the allegedly reactionary nature of Catholicism, the outdated postures of Brazilian romanticism, and the injustices of capitalism. The "Manifesto antrop6fago" also brings futurist images of technology (including television!) together with triumphal visions of Brazilian "primitiveness:' ll1e text is diffuse and fragmented rather than cohesive; even visually its paragraphs are separated by long typographical lines (regrettably suppressed in most editions). Many of the aphorisms simply resist interpretation, such as "A alegria e a prova dos nove;' found twice in the "Manifesto" and translated into English by Adriano Pedrosa and Veronica Cordeiro as "Happiness is the proof of the pudding" (www.agencetopo.qc.ca/carnages/manifeste. html#manifesto) and more literally by Leslie Bary as "Joy is the proof of nine" (43)-sentences that do not make much sense, but at least render the surrealist effect of the original. Critics often quote the "Manifesto" as an essay, referring to what "it says" as if it were a systemic proposal instead of a collection of surrealist phrases that work against rational argumentation to produce a sense of ostranenie, disrupting habitual perceptions of familiar things: romantic indianismo, Jose de Alencar, cannibalism, LusoBrasilian historiography, the authority of academia, monogamy. The "Manifesto antrop6fago" is largely aimed to free thought from the imprisonment of grammar, philosophical speculation, and logic, and to produce affects and percepts rather than concepts (Deleuze). This does not mean that these aphorisms lack ideas but that they playfully explore the poetic dimensions of those ideas, inv!ting the reader to contrast divergent signifiers: "printed psychology;' "grammar;' "science;' "canned consciousness;' "objectified and cadaverized ideas;' "hypotheses;' and "speculative tedium" are juxtaposed to "pre-logical mentality;' "instincts;' personal experiences, "surrealist language;' Synsuality, and magic. The "Manifesto antrop6fago" favors contradictory sentences and antirationalism: "long life and death to all hypotheses" or "Let's get rid of ideas:' Incidentally, this is the "posture" found in the 1928 painting Abaporu (Man-eater), a birthday gift from Tarsila do Amaral to Andrade that inspired Andrade's Antropofagia. Abaporu depicts 26 · Carlos Jauregui a sensualist cannibal thinker, a naked savage with a voluminous body and a minuscule head in the same position as the famous 1882 sculpture Le Penseur by Auguste Rodin. Anthropophagy was a collective movement. Besides Andrade, there were Tarsila do Amaral, Oswaldo Costa, Raul Bopp, Mario de Andrade, Antonio de Alcantara Machado, and many others, each with his own notion of anthropophagy. They used the cannibal trope to make ethnological speculations about sexual freedom, monogamy, and happiness, to ridicule romantic images of the indigenous, to embrace Nietzsche's Epicureanism and critique of Christianity, to discuss Tupinamba's language, and so on. Cultural consumption was just one part of a wide semantic spectrum. It was not even "proposed" in the "Manifesto;' but rather in other articles and interviews. Yet because of its relevance to contemporary debates, cultural consumption became the canonical definition of anthropophagy (Jauregui, Canibalia). The end of anthropophagy coincides with the economic crisis triggered by the 1929 stock market crash, the ruin of Sao Paulo's coffee bourgeoisie, and the rise of Getulio Vargas to power in 1930. International capitalism devoured modernist fortunes and optimism, together with anthropophagy's answers to the dilemma of modernization. Vargas's national populist Estado Novo (New State) defined the nation using an ideology of miscegenation, reediting a fascist-like image of the Tupi Indian, and pushing mega-modernizing industrialist policies. Andrade, like many other modernists, became Marxist and abjured anthropophagy (although his writings maintained a modernist ethos). In the 1950s, after leaving the Communist Party, Andrade alone revisited modernist anthropophagy in various monographs in which he imagined the "synthesis" of natural and civilized man in a techno-industrial utopia where machines and technological advances would liberate humanity for creative leisure, love, and happiness and where metaphysical fears, authoritarian patriarchy, and the state would be replaced with the Pindorama matriarchy. Andrade's utopia expressed both disenchantment with the Communist Party and Marxism, uncritical Browderism, and an exaggerated optimism about post-WWII industrialization. Unlike the modernist movement, this theoretical anthropophagy was not a collective enterprise. Furthermore, its academic style sharply differs from the fragmentation, irrationalism, and the anarchic discursive nature of the first anthropophagy. In the 1960s, after Andrade's death, anthropophagy attracted renewed interest due to two circumstances: first, the 1967 premiere of Andrade's Anthropophagy , 27 0 rei da vela (1933) by the Group of Celso Martinez Correa, which ridiculed Brazil's underdeveloped industry and criticized the national bourgeoisie's alliance with international capitalism, and second, the success of the musical and cultural movement Tropicalia that took from anthropophagy its irony toward hardcore nationalism, and its formula for creative appropriation-now of rock-and-roll and 1960s avant-garde counterculture (Perrone; Dunn). In the 1970s and 1980s the highly influential works of Augusto and Haroldo de Campos on the Revista and Andrade's poetry framed the contemporary reception of anthropophagy as a poetic and theoretical proposal equivalent to transculturation and cultural appropriation (a modernist antecedent of cultural studies paradoxically anchored in the fine-arts and literary realms). Since then, the "anthropophagic paradigm;' as Chamberlain calls it, became a recurrent preoccupation of cultural and literary critics who linked Andrade's writings with postmodern and postcolonial debates. Anthropophagy's conflicted desire for modernity turned into a critique of modernity, colonial reason, and even androcentric culture. Andrade's references to matriarchy and pre-logic mentality, for example, have been read as psycholinguistic denunciations of the Law of the Father that anticipate Kristeva's theorizations (Vinkler) and as a challenge to the Socratic and patriarchal reason that structure modern Western subjectivity (Castrokャ。ョセIN@ The anthropophagic matriarchy certainly had an emancipatory horizon (abolition of property, monogamy, and the state), but the subject of that liberation remained masculine. The mother occupied the problematic place of alterity: savage nature, primitive other, pre-logic mind, and so on. The same could be said of anthropophagy's carnivalesque use of the indigenous as an image associated with sexual freedom, unconscious creativity, and happiness; a cultural fetish derived from romantic ethnographic images rather than a reappraisal of ancestral heritage for a counter-colonial project (Rodriguez-Nunez), an "anticolonial" theory (Santiago; Viveiros de Castro), or an attempt "at freeing Brazilian culture from mental colonialism" (Vieira). セッイ@ was the modernist adoption of the cannibal sign an artistic echo in solidarity with the social and political struggles of indigenous and Afro-descendent populations (Ferreira de Almeida). Given anthropophagy's specific cultural practices (within the agenda of an aesthetic revolution prompted by a cosmopolitan bourgeoisie) and its disconnect from any social movement or actual decolonization effort (particularly the labor movement and indigenous resistance toward modernization), the characterization of this movement as postcolonial seems unsubstantiated. Today, of course, anthropophagy's importance lies beyond its historical and ·'' 28 Ana Wortman ideological contextualization: it is an ethno-poetic model that has become a "malleable foundational discourse" (Prado Bellei) for contemporary cultural theory as attested by the dissimilar interpretations of its significance by Haroldo de Campos, Roberto Schwarz, Silviano Santiago, and Renato Ortiz, among others. Anthropophagys fertile legacy can also be seen in a large corpus of literature (from the de Campos brothers to Joao Ubaldo Ribeiro, Antonio Torres, Glauco Ortolano, and Marcos Azevedo), popular music (from Tropid.lia and Caetano Veloso to Adriana Calcanhoto or Daniela Mercury), and cinema (from Nelson Pereira dos Santos to Luiz Alberto Pereira). Even highly institutionalized cultural events such as the 24th Bienal de Sao Paulo in 1998 use anthropophagy, provoking some critics such as Coelho Netto to express some exhaustion vis-a-vis the anthropophagic "monomania" of this foundational myth in Brazilian contemporary culture. Suggested Reading iloaventura. Maria Eugenia. A vanguarda antropofagic. Sao Paulo: Atica, 1985. Campos, Augusto de. "Revistas Re-vistas: Os antrop6fagos:· Introduction to Revista de antropofagia: Reedi{ao da revista literaria publicada em Sao Paulo, 1-13. Sao Paulo: Abril, 1975. Campos, Haroldo de. "Da razao antropofagica: A Europa sob o signo de devorac;:ao." Col6quio!Letras 62 (1981): 10-25. Jauregui, Carlos A. Canibalia: Canibalismo, calibanismo, antropofagia cultural y consumo en America Latina. Madrid: Iberoamericana; Frankfurt-am-Main: Vervuert, 2008. Nunes, Be ned ito. "A antropofagia ao alcance de todos:· In A utopia antropofagica, by Oswald de Andrade, 5-39. Sao Paulo: Globo, 1990. Prado Bellei, Sergio Luiz. "Brazilian Anthropophagy Revisited:' In Cannibalism and the Colonial World, edited by Francis ilarker, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iversen, 87-109. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Santiago, Silviano. Uma literatura nos tropicos: Ensaios sabre dependencia cultural. Sao Paulo: Perspectiva, 1978. Schwarz, Roberto. Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture. London: Verso, 1992. Audience ANA WORTMAN (TRANSLATED BY RUTH HALVEY) Throughout the twentieth century, audience research on radio, film, and television aimed to analyze the construction of social meaning by looking at the impact of these emerging cultural industries. Such research was I.
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