AOAT ––––– 467 A O A T Alter Orient und Altes Testament Band 467 Economy of Religions in Anatolia: From the Early Second to the Middle of the First Millennium BCE 467 205921-Ugarit-AOAT-467-Praegung.indd 1 Economy of Religions in Anatolia: From the Early Second to the Middle of the First Millennium BCE Proceedings of an International Conference in Bonn (23rd to 25th May 2018) Herausgegeben von Manfred Hutter & Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar 01.07.19 15:31 Manfred Hutter & Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar (Hrg.) Economy of Religions in Anatolia: From the Early Second to the Middle of the First Millennium BCE Proceedings of an International Conference in Bonn (23rd to 25th May 2018) Alter Orient und Altes Testament Veröffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments Band 467 Herausgeber Angelika Berlejung • Manfried Dietrich • Holger Gzella • Enrique Jiménez Economy of Religions in Anatolia: From the Early Second to the Middle of the First Millennium BCE Proceedings of an International Conference in Bonn (23rd to 25th May 2018) Manfred Hutter & Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar (Hrg.) 2019 Ugarit-Verlag Münster Thoroughly refereed Manfred Hutter & Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar (Hrg.) Economy of Religions in Anatolia: From the Early Second to the Middle of the First Millennium BCE Proceedings of an International Conference in Bonn (23rd to 25th May 2018) Alter Orient und Altes Testament 467 © 2019 Ugarit-Verlag – Buch- und Medienhandel Münster www.ugarit-verlag.com All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-86835-313-6 ISSN 0931-4296 Printed on acid-free paper Inhaltsverzeichnis Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar / Manfred Hutter: Religiöses Wirtschaften 1 Francesco G. Barsacchi: Distribution and Consumption of Food in Hittite Festivals. The Social and Economic Role of Religious Commensality as Reflected by Hittite Sources 5 Michele Cammarosano / Jürgen Lorenz: Der hethitische Staatskult als öffentliches Gut 21 Levan Gordeziani / Irene Tatišvili: Zum wirtschaftlichen Aspekt der „Reform“ Tuthaliyas IV. 29 Manfred Hutter: How does a MUNUSŠU.GI Earn her Living? 39 Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar: Hethitische „Krankenkassenbeiträge“. Die Gelübde Puduhepas für Leben und Gesundheit Hattusilis 49 Zheng Li: What did the Temple get from the Kings in Hittite History? A Historical Consideration of the Temple Economy in the Hittite Kingdom 61 Lynn E. Roller: Economy and Cult Practice in Archaic Phrygia 73 Ian Rutherford: Gods of the Market Place. Merchants, Economics and Religious Innovation 83 Şiar Can Şener: Das frühhethitische „Saray“ in Yassıhöyük. Beobachtungen zur Tempelwirtschaft 93 Jana Siegelová: Naturalabgaben für den Kult und für Kulteinrichtungen des Hethitischen Reiches 103 vi Zsolt Simon: Die Handwerker des späthethitischen Tempels (KARKAMIŠ A2+3 §§ 16-17) 113 Charles W. Steitler: Hittite Professionals and Patron Deities 125 Matteo Vigo: Staple and Wealth Finance and the Administration of the Hittite Economy 141 Livio Warbinek: An “Economical” Oracular Procedure. Evidence from the Hittite KIN Oracle 153 Fred C. Woudhuizen: The Role of Brotherhoods in West-Luwian Religion (5th to 2nd Century BCE) 169 Michaela Zinko / Christian Zinko: Tempelwirtschaft und Kultinventare. Sind Kultinventare Quellen für ökonomische Verhältnisse? Untersucht an KBo 2.1 181 Abkürzungen 201 Register 203 Gods of the Market Place Merchants, Economics and Religious Innovation Ian Rutherford 1. It is generally and rightly believed that the economic systems of Late Bronze Age Anatolia and of Early Iron Age Greece were very different: on the one hand, the at least somewhat centralised economies of Anatolia and the Ancient Near East and on the other hand the much more decentralised economy of Greece. In Greece the main centre for economic activity seems to have been the market place (agora), whereas in Anatolia and the Near East it has generally been believed that markets play little if any part. Again, in Early Iron Age Greece trade seems entirely a matter of private enterprise, whereas in Late Bronze Age Anatolia and Syria merchants are very much functionaries of the state. It might be expected on the basis of such contrasts that the relationship between economic activity and religion in the two cultures / periods would be different as well. However, if we look more closely, we may find points of similarity. In this brief paper, I shall argue a single point of similarity, namely the association of specific gods with the market place and trade. 2. Hittite texts provide some evidence for the qualification of certain Hurrian gods as “of the market place” or “of commerce”. The most important is an offering list relating to Ishtar of Samuha, which includes offerings to DIrsappinis damkarrassi and the mahhirrasina deities.1 Irsappi is a Hurrian version of Syrian Resheph, while damkarrassi is an adjective derived from Sumerian DAM.GÀR meaning “of commerce”.2 The mahhirrasina deities must be the deities “of the market place”, a Hurrian word derived from Akkadian mahiru.3 Irsappa damkarrassi is also found in the standard Hittite kaluti list of Hurrian deities associated with Tessub.4 2.1. The concept of D.MEŠmahhirrasina is surprising in view of Karl Polanyi’s still influential hypothesis that there were no markets in cities of the Ancient Near KUB 27.1 ii 23sq. (ChS 1/3.1, p. 39). Richter 2012: 435. 3 See Richter 2012: 237. The possibility that Greek μάκελλον (“market”) is related to the Akkadian word should be considered. De Meyer 1962: 151 fn.20 considers the possibility that it might be related to words of similar meaning in various NW Semitic languages as well as Akkadian makāru (“do business”). For more on the possible semitic background see De Ruyt 1983: 234. 4 KUB 34.102 ii 13; see ChS 1/3.2, p. 68; see Münnich 2013: 200. 1 2 84 Ian Rutherford East.5 Even if there were particular areas where trade was carried on, it is often thought that these are more likely to have been the street, the gate, or the quay rather than markets.6 More recently, however, there has been a growing acceptance that markets existed, at least in some cities, though the physical form they took is contested.7 2.2. Another city where we find at least one god equipped with the epithet “of the market” is Late Bronze Age Emar. This is the deity “Nergal of the KI.LAM”, usually interpreted here as Resheph (cf. the Hittite texts mentioned above), who was equated with Nergal elsewhere, e.g. in the Ugarit pantheon list.8 We also find the simpler “lord of the KI.LAM” who may be the same. He was an important deity at Emar, to judge from sacrifice lists.9 Nergal is not elsewhere associated with markets.10 2.3. In earlier Syria and Mesopotamia there is no clear evidence of “gods of trade” or “gods of the market”. The closest we get to this is the Old Babylonian period with an eršemma text discussed by Miguel Civil in which Enlil is addressed as a merchant.11 The general idea of divine presence protecting the market seems to be visible in a brick inscription by Attahussu of Elam from the 18th century BCE which attests that the king erected a statue (ALAM) of justice in the market place (mahirum) so that the sun-god Nahundi should instruct people not familiar with the just price.12 In some texts from Ebla it has been argued by Maria Giovanna Biga that the formula “KI.LAM7 + name of deity X” means “market of the deity” or more precisely “festival in honour of deity X during which a market was held”, the presupposition being that festivals and markets are often connected, as they were in the Greco-Roman world; in this case, then, the KI.LAM / market would be an occasion, and a ritual occasion, rather than a place.13 Polanyi 1957; see the discussion of Renger 1984. In the context of this paper it is worth pointing out that one of Polanyi’s starting points was Herodotus’ statement (Hist.1.53) that the Persians lacked markets. 6 See May / Steinert 2014a: 14sq.; Steinert 2014: 129-132; Jursa 2010: 641-644. 7 Zaccagnini 1992. Cf. also the remarks of Oppenheim 1964: 129, who thinks markets occur in areas peripheral to Mesopotamia (Syria, Elam), but not in Mesopotamia itself. 8 Discussed in two recent books on Resheph: Lipinski 2009; Münnich 2013. 9 Written as GIR3.UNU.GAL EN KI.LAM (i.e. Rašap bel mahiri “Resheph lord of the market”) at Emar. For the texts see Münnich 2013: 171-199, drawing on Arnaud 1986. For KI.LAM here as equivalent to Akkadian mahiru “market”, see the discussion of Adamthwaite 2001: 241-243; the market was apparently the scene of a coup attempt in the 13th century BCE. 10 It has been suggested that the “god on the ingot” known from LBA Enkomi in Cyprus might represent Resheph / Nergal (see Webb 1999: 226), and if so, the symbol might have something to do with trade in precious metals. 11 Civil 1976. 12 Zaccagnini 1992: 422; cf. Veenhof 1972: 353; no.12 in Malbran-Labat 1995: 49 with discussion; Scheil 1939: 28 no. 3 thought the ALAM was a price-code. 13 Biga 2002a; 2002b and 2003, drawing on the work of Conti 1997: 59sq. note 139, who refers to d’Agostino 1996: 14 for the interpretation of KI.LAMx as “market”. See also Pettinato 1996: 9, and more recently Tonietti 2012: 29. 5 Gods of the Market Place 85 2.4. The Hittites too had a KI.LAM festival, one of the main state festivals,14 and they too used “of the KI.LAM” as a divine epithet. The “Storm god of the KI.LAM” is attested in a number of texts, particularly in deity lists of treaties,15 though he is not explicitly linked to the KI.LAM festival. There is, however, a question about the meaning of KI.LAM in Hittite texts. In Hittite the logogram KI.LAM is generally interpreted as “gatehouse”, or “portico”; it may have been reinterpreted on the basis of Hittite hilammar (“gatehouse”), the shift in usage perhaps being facilitated by the fact that markets were held at gatehouses.16 Itamar Singer distinguished two meanings of KI.LAM: in the context of the festival it meant “gatehouse”, but as a divine epithet he was more flexible, leaving the possibility that in the formula “Storm god of the KI.LAM”, the meaning might still be “market”,17 as at Emar.18 3. In Greek cities of the 1st millennium BCE, a central location was the agora or market place, a centre for trade (agorazo “buy”) and informal political activity. The agora also had its gods: in Athens, the shrine of the “Twelve gods” (representing the pantheon) was in the Agora.19 The epithet agoraios (“of the agora”) is sometimes applied to gods in general,20 but more often to specific gods such as Zeus, Hermes, and the goddess Themis, whose name means “justice” or “right” (cf. the statue of justice in the market in Elam mentioned earlier).21 Zeus is associated with the agora because he is the supreme deity who guarantees justice; he has nothing specifically to do with trade. Hermes, however, has a deep involvement with all forms of human interaction: he is a divine messenger, but he is also a trickster and he safeguards trade.22 As such he also has the epithet empolaios (“of trade”).23 Hermes is already associated with the Athenian Agora in the 5th Singer 1983; 1984. van Gessel 1998-2001, vol. 2: 781, 783. 16 See Weeden 2011: 531. For the relation to hilammar see Singer 1975 drawing here on Veenhof 1972: 353; cf. also May 2014: 104-106. 17 Singer 1975: 93sq. One fragmentary text (KBo 27.31) seems to relate to a festival at Kanesh in which the participants include merchants from Kanesh and two other towns as well as the “handworkers of the great market (GAL KI.LAM)”. The meaning “market” may also be found in the catalogue text KUB 30.66 I 5: “Tablet I f the Statute (ishiul) of the KI.LAM”. 18 I should add that if KI.LAM means “gatehouse” in Hittite texts, you could argue that it means that at Emar also, since Emar is so influenced by the Hittites in this period. That is not impossible, but it seems unlikely, since Resheph of the KI.LAM does not look Hittite at all; nor does his pantheon. 19 For the Twelve, see Rutherford 2010. 20 Wentzel 1894; Martin 1951: 174-179, Mili 2015: 129; Dickenson 2017: 97-99. For the theoi agoriaioi see Hatzopoulos / Loukopoulou 1992-1996: A4. 21 Mili 2015: 128-132; two 5th century inscriptions from Atraz in Thessaly are dedicated to Themis Agoraia and Athene Agoraia: see Gallis 1974: 273-280. See also Hesychius s. ἀγοραία Θέμις: ἡ ἐκκλησιαστική. 22 The historian of religion Walter Burkert (1985: 159) thought that his trading aspect is primarily Roman, but that seems to be wrong. Parker 2005: 408: “No god other than Hermes is connected with trade”. See also Eitrem 1912: 783. 23 Eitrem 1912: 755; cf. also Hurrian damkarrassi. 14 15 86 Ian Rutherford century BCE, where he had a bronze statue. He was worshipped in other places including Erythrae in Asia Minor where his priesthood was particularly prestigious and at Pherai in the Peloponnese where he had an oracle.24 3.1. “Gods of the agora” (mahana neleze)25 are also found in mid-1st millennium Lycia. In two texts, these appear alongside the Greek theoi agoraioi.26 It seems most likely that the Lycian gods of the agora are based on the Greek ones, specifically those of Athens, which was very influential in Lycia during this period.27 4. Is there a relation between the Greek gods of the Agora and Syrian and Hurrian “gods of the market”? We saw that in the texts from Emar, the god of the KI.LAM is Nergal-Resheph, who might therefore seem to correspond to Greek Hermes in this respect. Hermes is not usually thought of as a translation of Resheph;28 in fact, in the 4th century BCE on Cyprus we find Resheph explicitly equated with Greek Apollo, which makes sense since both gods could be represented as young warrior gods with weapons.29 4.1. This does not rule out the possibility that Resheph might have been identified with other Greek gods in other places and at other times, however. An indirect link between Resheph and Hermes can be made in Cilicia via the Luwian stag deity Runta (known in the Late Bronze Age as Kurunta / DLAMMA), of whom Hermes is believed to have been a Greek translation in Hellenistic Cilicia.30 In the Phoenician text of the Karatepe Bilingual Runtiya is equated with a unique form of Resheph, “Resheph ṢPRM”, usually interpreted as “Resheph of the goats,” though there are other possibilities.31 There is also indirect evidence from Ugarit for an equation between Resheph and DLAMMA.32 4.2. To conclude. If you compare the various gods of trade that I have distinguished, this pattern emerges: Erythrae: Engelmann / Merkelbach 1972-73, no. 201; Pherai: Pausanias 7.22.2. TL 44a, 27; N 324,8, and a new inscription from Kyaneai (Neumann / Zimmermann 2003). See Neumann 2007: s.v. neleze. 26 Xanthos Pillar TL 44b, 22; and the inscription from Kyaneai (see note above), where, unexpectedly, the gods of the agora are the deities who will punish anyone who violates the tomb. 27 See Rutherford 2010: 53sq. 28 Notice that the anthroponym derived from the Hurrian form of the name, Irsappa, is the name of the Egyptian messenger, e.g. in EA 31 to Arzawa; messengers and trade are connected. 29 Burkert 1975. Apollo incidentally never has the epithet Agoraios, though cf. Apollo Kerdoos “of gain” in Thessaly: see Mili 2011; Kerdoos was also an epithet of Hermes according to Suda. 30 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 213. 31 See Lipinski 2009: 228sq.; Münnich 2013: 211sq. 32 Barré 1978. 24 25 Gods of the Market Place Emar Nergal/Resheph of KI.LAM Hurro-Hittite gods of market Irsappi of commerce DU KI.LAM 87 Greece theoi agoraioi Hermes Agoraios Zeus Agoraios 5. Emar and the Hittite evidence are obviously linked. How does the Greek evidence fit in? One way of interpreting it would be to say that this is simply a typological parallel, i.e. “gods of the market” are likely to develop in view of the fact that a) cities have markets, and b) divine supervision in markets is likely to have been felt to be appropriate to provide a sanction in case of cheating. 5.1. Borrowing is not out of the question, however, with Greek religion borrowing either from Anatolia, from Emar,33 or from some other unknown location which had similar gods (Phoenicia?). How might it have come about? The obvious answer is via merchants: either Anatolian or Syrian ones, who visited Greek markets, and introduced their own gods, or at least religious practices similar to those they were used to in their own cultures; or Greek ones, who encountered such deities in their trading trips abroad and introduced similar deities to Greece. This could have happened either in the Late Bronze Age, when the Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya ship wrecks attest at least some trade along the south coast of Anatolia,34 or in the Early Iron Age, when it is generally agreed to have flourished. It seems to support this that in Hittite texts merchants are sometimes said to take part in festivals or making cult offerings.35 It is also worth reflecting that trade is often a mechanism of religious change:36 It has been suggested, for example, that Assyrian merchants may have helped to disseminate the worship of gods in Anatolia.37 Here there is also a good parallel to Greece: We know that in 334-33 BCE Athens granted some merchants from Kition in Cyprus some land so that they could set up a shrine of Aphrodite. The text of the decree (IG 2.2.337) justifies this decision by the precedent of Egyptians (presumably also merchants) who had founded a temple of Isis.38 As far as a possible relation between Greece and Emar is concerned, it is relevant that Fleming 1996: 98 note 54 has posited parallels between the religion of Emar and Athenian religion. 34 But direct trade between Anatolia and Greece seems to have been limited, Cline 1991. 35 See Klengel 1979: 74-76; Ünal 1995: 276. 36 For example, traders may have played a role in spreading Buddhism into Central Asia and China, see Neelis 2011. 37 This seems the likeliest explanation for the presence of some Syrian deities in Hittite cult inventories. CTH 510 and 511, probably from the Middle Kızılırmak, show Assur, the Storm god of Assur, Ishtar of Nineveh and so on: see Schwemer 2008: 150sq.; Cammarosano 2015: 207sq.; on the effect of the presence of Assyrian merchants in North Anatolia see Forlanini 1992: 178. 38 Thanks to participants in the conference, and also to Barbara Kowalzig and LynnSalammbô Zimmermann. 33 88 Ian Rutherford Bibliography Adamthwaite, Murray: 2001 Late Hittite Emar. The chronology, synchronisms, and socio-political aspects of a late Bronze Age fortress town, Leuven. Archi, Alfonso (ed.): 1984 Circulation of Goods in Non-palatial Context in the Ancient Near East, Rome. Arnaud, Daniel: 1986 Recherches au pays d’Astata. Emar VI, tome 3: Textes sumériens et accadiens, Paris. Barré, Michael: 1978 dLAMMA and Rešep at Ugarit: The Hittite Connection, in: JAOS 98, 465467. Biga, Maria: 2002a Marginal considerations on the Hittite KI.LAM festival, in: De Martino / Pecchioli Daddi 2002, 101-108. 2002b Les foires d’après les archives d’Ébla”, in: Charpin / Durand 2002, 277288. 2003 Feste e fiere a Ebla, in: Zaccagnini 2003, 55-68. Bremmer, Jan / Erskine, Andrew (eds.): 2010 The Greek Gods: Identities and transformations, Edinburgh. Burkert, Walter: 1975 Rešep-Figuren, Apollon von Amyklai und die “Erfindung” des Opfers auf Cypern: Zur Religionsgeschichte der “Dunklen Jahrhunderte”, in: Grazer Beiträge 4, 56-64. 1985 Greek Religion: Archaic and Classical, translated by John Raffan, Oxford. Cammarosano, Michele: 2015 Foreign gods in Hatti. A New Edition of CTH 510, in: Kaskal 12, 199244. Chavalas, Mark (ed.): 1996 Emar. The History, Religion and Culture of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, Bethesda MA. Charpin, Dominique / Durand, Jean-Marie (eds.): 2002 Florilegium marianum VI: recueil d’études à la mémoire d’André Parrot, Paris. Civil, Miguel: 1976 Enlil, the Merchant: Notes to CT 15 10, in: JCS 28, 72-81. Cline, Eric: 1991 A possible Hittite Embargo against the Mycenaeans, in: Historia 40, 1-9. Conti, Giovanni: 1997 Carri ed equipaggi nei testi di Ebla, in: Fronzaroli 1997, 23-71. D’Agostino, Franco: 1996 Testi amministrativi di Ebla, archivio L. 2769, Rome. Gods of the Market Place 89 De Martino, Stefano / Pecchioli Daddi, Franca (eds.): 2002 Anatolia Antica. Studi in memoria di Fiorella Imparati, Firenze (= Eothen 11). Dickenson, Christopher: 2017 On the agora: the evolution of a public space in Hellenistic and Roman Greece (c. 323 BC – 267 AD), Leiden. Eitrem, Samson: 1912 Hermes 1., in: Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 8.1, Stuttgart, 738-792. Engelmann, Helmut / Merkelbach, Reinhold: 1972-73 Die Inschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai. 2 vols., Bonn. Fleming, Daniel: 1996 The Emar Festivals. City Unity and Syrian Identity under Hittite Hegemony, in: Chavalas 1996, 81-122. Forlanini, Massimo: 1992 Am mittleren Kızılırmak, in: Otten et al. 1992, 171-179. Fronzaroli, Pelio (ed.): 1997 Miscellanea Eblaitica 4, Florence. Gallis, Konstantinos: 1974 Αναθηματικαί επιγραφαί ἐξ Άτραγος και Φαρσάλων, in: Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών 7, 273-286. Haas, Volkert: 1994 Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, Leiden (= HO I/15). Hatzopoulos, Miltiades / Loukopoulou, Louisa: 1992-96 Recherches sur les marches orientales des Temenides (Anthemonte – Kalindoia), 2 vols., Athens. Haysom, Matthew / Wallensten, Jenny (eds.): 2011 Current Approaches to Religion in Ancient Greece: Papers Presented at a Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 17-19 April 2008, Stockholm. Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J.: 1961 The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period, Leiden. Jursa, Michael: 2010 Aspects of Economic History of Babylonia in the First millennium BC: Economic Geography, Economic Mentalities, Agriculture, the Use of Money and the Problem of Economic Growth, Münster (= AOAT 377). Klengel, Horst: 1979 Handel und Kaufleute im hethitischen Reich, in: AoF 6, 69-80. Kolb, Frank (ed.): 2003 Lykische Studien 6: Feldforschungen auf dem Gebiet der Polis Kyaneai in Zentrallykien. Bericht über die Ergebnisse der Kampagnen 1996 und 1997, Bonn 2003 (= AMS 48). Lipinski, Edward: 2009 Resheph. A Syro-Canaanite deity, Leuven. 90 Ian Rutherford Malbran-Labat, Florence: 1995 Les inscriptions royales de Suse: briques de l’époque paléo-élamite à l’empire néo-élamite, Paris. Martin, Roland: 1951 Recherches sur l’agora grecque: études d’histoire et d’architecture urbaines, Paris. May, Natalie: 2014 Gates and Their Functions in Mesopotamia and Ancient Israel, in: May / Steinert 2014, 77-121. May, Natalie / Steinert, Ulrike: 2014 (eds.) The Fabric of Cities. Aspects of Urbanism, Urban Topography and Society in Mesopotamia, Greece and Rome, Leiden. 2014a Introduction: Urban Topography as a Reflection of Society, in: May / Steinert 2014, 1-42. Mili, Maria: 2011 Apollo Kerdoos. A conniving Apollo in Thessaly?, in: Haysom / Wallensten 2011, 41-55. 2015 Religion and Society in Ancient Thessaly, Oxford 2015. Münnich, Maciej: 2013 The god Resheph in the ancient Near East, Tübingen. Neelis, Jason: 2011 Early Buddhist Transmission and Trade Networks. Mobility and exchange within and beyond the northwestern borderlands of South Asia, Leiden. Neumann, Günter: 2007 Glossar des Lykischen. Überarbeitet und zum Druck gebracht von Johann Tischler, Wiesbaden (= DBH 21). Neumann, Günter / Zimmermann, Martin: 2003 Die lykischen Götter der Agora. Neulesung der griechisch-lykischen Bilingue TL 72a-b in Kyaneai, in: Kolb 2003, 187-192. Oppenheim, Leo: 1964 Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a dead civilization, Chicago. Otten, Heinrich et al. (eds.): 1992 Hittite and other Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, Ankara. Parker, Robert: 2005 Polytheism and Society at Athens, Oxford. Pettinato, Giovanni: 1996 Religione ed economia ad Ebla. Appunti di lessicografia Eblaitica, in: RSO 70, 1-13. Polanyi, Karl: 1957 Marketless Trading in Hammurabi’s Time, in: Polanyi et al. 1957, 12-26. Polanyi, Karl et al. (eds.): 1957 Trade and Market in the Early Empires, New York. Renger, Johannes: 1984 Patterns of non-institutional trade and non-commercial exchange in ancient Mesopotamia at the beginning of the Second Millennium B.C., in: Archi 1984, 31-123. Gods of the Market Place 91 Richter, Thomas: 2012 Bibliographisches Glossar des Hurritischen, Wiesbaden. Rutherford, Ian: 2010 Canonizing the Pantheon. The Dodekatheon in Greek Religion and its Origins, in: Bremmer / Erskine 2010, 43-55. Scheil, Vincent: 1939 Mélanges épigraphiques, Paris (= Mémoires de la mission archéologique de Perse 28, no. 3). Schwemer, Daniel: 2008 Fremde Götter in Hatti. Die hethitische Religion im Spannungsfeld von Synkretismus und Abgrenzung, in: Wilhelm 2008, 137-157. Singer, Itamar: 1975 Hittite ḫilammar and Hieroglyphic Luwian ḫilana, in: ZA 65, 69-103. 1983-84 The Hittite KI.LAM festival, Wiesbaden, 2 vols., (= StBoT 27-28). Steiner, Georg: 1977 Kaufmanns- und Handelssprachen im alten Orient, in: Iraq 39, 11-17. Steinert, Ulrike: 2014 City Streets. Reflections on Urban Society in the Cuneiform Sources of the Second and First Millennium BCE, in: May / Steinert 2014, 123-169. Tonietti, Maria: 2012 Aspetti del sistema preposizionale dell’eblaita, Venice. Ünal, Ahmet: 1995 Reminiszenzen an die Zeit der altassyrischen Handelskolonien in hethitischen Texten, in: AoF 22, 269-276. van Gessel, Ben H.L.: 1998-2001 Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon, 3 vols., Leiden. Veenhof, Klaas: 1972 Aspects of old Assyrian trade and its terminology, Leiden. Weeden, Mark: 2011 Hittite logograms and Hittite scholarship, Wiesbaden (= StBoT 53). Wentzel, Georg: 1894 Agoraios und Agoraia, in: Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 1.1, Stuttgart, 881-882. Webb, Jennifer: 1999 Ritual architecture, iconography and practice in the late Cypriot bronze age, Jonsered. Wilhelm, Gernot (Hg.): 2008 Ḫattuša-Boğazköy. Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld des Alten Orients, Wiesbaden (= CDOG 6). Zaccagnini, Carlo: 1992 Markt, in: RlA 7, 421f. 2003 Mercanti e politica nel mondo antico, Rome 2003.