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Cuba in Hemingway

2017, The Hemingway Review

Abstract

Many critics characterize Ernest Hemingway as an unhyphenated American (in a cultural sense) for whom English is a dominant language. He is not commonly considered Cuban or Caribbean, Cuban-American or American-Cuban; and to nuance that model, this article re-examines the cultural geography of the Finca Vigía homestead and some of Hemingway's social performances in Cuba (and elsewhere) in the scope of recent studies in multicultural psychology. The argument reconsiders the ways Hemingway is understood in literary study, nudging the critical horizon toward a more descriptive form of inquiry that is more closely attuned to the cultures of his experience in Cuba.

Cuba in Hemingway Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera The Hemingway Review, Volume 36, Number 2, Spring 2017, pp. 8-41 (Article) Published by University of Idaho Department of English For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/658853 Access provided by The Hemingway Society (17 May 2017 08:57 GMT) 8 | he Hemingway Review Cuba in Hemingway Jeffrey Herlihy-Mera University of Puerto Rico “You have expat writers. hey are not American. hey are something else. And I won’t say something in between because that would encourage unnecessary and inaccurate dualities.” -Katy Masuga “hey are able to inhabit two worlds simultaneously . . . human communities, in other words, are becoming at least partially detachable from geography.” –William McNeill “Where ‘we’ end and ‘they’ begin is at least partially detached from geography. he category of ‘we’ is widened. Or—perhaps the crucial point—it keeps jumping about.” -Annemarie Mol and John Law Just before Hemingway donated the Nobel Prize to Nuestra Señora de la Caridad del Cobre: “Everyone stood up. When the hymn ended, the speaker said, ‘Ladies and gentlemen, you just heard the Cuban National Anthem.’ At one of the tables an older woman asked her husband, ‘Why don’t they play the American national anthem?’ ‘Because Jeminguái has become a Cuban citizen.’” -Guillermo Cabrera Infante “I write suspicious books that take place in foreign countries: France and Italy, Communist Cuba and fascist Spain. I lived among the Cuban communists all those years. I speak languages J. Edgar Hoover doesn’t understand.” -Ernest Hemingway “Me faltan embajadores.” [I lack ambassadors.] -Ernest Hemingway, 1950 The Hemingway Review, Vol. 36, No. 2, Spring 2017. Copyright © 2017 The Ernest Hemingway Foundation. Published by the University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho. Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 9 here are Caribbean icebergs. One is Cuba as a locus of meaning, creativity, and identity in Ernest Hemingway’s life. A close inspection of his cultural attachments—in language, identity performance, and social ceremony—contradicts some of the common critical perspectives of Hemingway and his literature, which generally characterize him as an unhyphenated American (in a cultural sense) for whom English is a dominant language. He is not generally characterized as Cuban or Caribbean, Cuban-American or American-Cuban;1 this article re-examines the cultural geography of the Finca Vigía and San Francisco de Paula, and some of Hemingway’s social performances in Cuba (and elsewhere) in the scope of recent studies in multicultural psychology and cultural neurology. hese perspectives complicate some of the traditional readings of Hemingway’s biography and literature,2 and in a sense destabilize the self-evidence of Hemingway’s supposed unhyphenated Americanness (and the presumptions embedded in such approaches). his argument thus aims to reinterpret the ways Hemingway is understood in literary study by engaging new latitudes of inquiry that are more closely attuned to the cultures of his experience in Cuba. Whether Hemingway should be read as an unhyphenated American is not a paradigm drama—and his immigrant status in Cuba has received relatively little scholarly attention. his overdetermined labeling of Hemingway and his literature has many unintended consequences:3 it limits critical reading space and conines any inferences about his biography and writing to the pre-ordained limits of the a priori category. he reduction of a person like Hemingway to such a lens misplaces attention on the intercultural nature of his life-experience, character, and emigration, and misconstrues the ways that multiple cultural frames shaped how he wrote, used language, thought, interacted with others, perceived and performed cultural identity.4 Many existing studies of Hemingway in Cuba engage some iteration of following frame: Hemingway is an unhyphenated American who resides in Cuba and writes “American” literature; his experiences there, while colorful and sometimes compelling, should be understood as ephemeral and supericial vis-à-vis the unhyphenated-American nature, his dominant trait. Several problematic theses are embedded in these and other readings of Hemingway in Cuba: that perhaps due to his national origin, family background, irst language, or place of birth, Hemingway is not inluenced profoundly by Latin American cultures and does not perform them in the ways he performs other identities (such readings also situate Cuba and the US as cultural binaries); this structure of t 10 | he Hemingway Review analysis strives to nullify Hemingway’s expressions of self-identiication with the Cuban community, relegating those performances to supericial against the supposedly superior, and supposedly existent, a priori unhyphenatedAmerican character and its performances. he unintended consequences of this mode of study require that Hemingway and many of his characters be treated through these lawed (though generally unstated) pretenses. While a transnational approach would read Hemingway’s multiculturalism as a series of creolized performances in language and cultural action, he is seldom read as a transnational writer. And when the Cuban performances are examined in a transnational sense, they are generally placed into a hierarchy as distant subordinates to the American mythic essences.5 When emigrant igures from Western cultural backgrounds are canonized and institutionalized for study and pedagogy, they are nearly always appropriated by the communities in their places of origin. (Józef Teodor Konrad Korzeniowski, oten treated as an English writer, is a notable exception.) his circumstance has occurred in the study of Gabriel García Márquez, Picasso, James Joyce, Van Gogh, Gertrude Stein, Tina Turner, Josephine Baker, WEB Dubois, and Hemingway, among many others; the lack of intercultural attention on this particular demographic of emigrant artists and writers results in a form of critical blinders: likewise, a great deal of critical interpretations of Hemingway’s biography (he is an unhyphenated American) and his literature (he wrote unhyphenated-American literature) have been constructed in large part through readings that are heavily informed by the slippery presumptions in traditional canons, and the typical result is that Hemingway is deined in criticism as a feral ailiate of US cultural myths (that is, an “American” in Cuba), an interpretative law that obfuscates an important dimension of his genius. Transnational Criticism and the Psychology of Multicultural Spaces National and transnational critical approaches assert that an individual believes in or identiies with the myths of the collectivity (or collectivities) applied to them—unhyphenated-American myths, in the case of Hemingway.6 his ixed-trait approach to personal character is somewhat unique to cultural scholarship in the West. “Westerners may be more likely to see themselves as possessing ixed traits regardless of what situation they are in” (Rule et al. 111) and such a predisposition is carried over into a great deal of literary criticism, including Hemingway Studies, as character and biographi- Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 11 cal analyses tend to be restricted to the prescriptive national (and less oten, transnational) cataloging; the luid nature of multicultural reality is thus relegated in favor of these preconceived myths that posit a static nature of being, regardless of surroundings. What is complicated about such critical labels, which are oten binding signiiers, is that they describe performances—not essences. Recent studies in multicultural psychology and cultural neuroscience stress that social ailiations, collective emotions, and sentiments of relationships are explicitly conditional upon the circumstances in which they arise. he identities that someone may perform—an “American” action, for instance—and the comparative importance which might be attached to them, are in perpetual variability. Collective identities have luctuating and even inconsistent meanings depending on the context, a circumstance that undermines some of the basic mechanisms of group-based considerations of individual action (such as interpreting a person or piece of writing as “American”). he cultural nature of the self, moreover, is re-conveyed, reiterated, and reconstructed over time—and some dimensions of that negotiation are only accessible at certain periods and in speciic locations. A close look at Hemingway’s biography, literature, and use of language are case studies of this phenomenon: his ailiational performances do not match many conventional critical readings but rather map a much more complex sense of collective and cultural orientation. he brain has been shown to be malleable, reciprocal to surroundings, and endowed with a lexibility that continues throughout the lifespan.7 Since the brain is not culturally wired to one state or condition, a person’s behavioral and identiicational tendencies also change when moving from one culture to another. While “American” readings of books and people are pre-charged with speciic meanings, the physical action in our brains (movement of electrical pulses and presences of certain chemicals) are not correspondingly static but shaped by where we are and the cultural register in which we are engaging activity.8 Intercultural experience “inluences the neural mechanisms that underlie both low-level perceptual and attentional processes as well as high level social cognition” (Glatzeder 242). he cultural applications of these circumstances are numerous: many scholars maintain that if the brain demonstrates physical variances, the separate behavioral and identiicational conditions, and their discrete categories, should be taken into account as metrics (Koneru, email to the author); likewise, studies of behavioral changes that emerge in distinct cultural contexts concur: an individual’s aesthetic and cultural map, a 12 | he Hemingway Review central component of literary creation, shits when moving from one culture to another.9 10 Re-examining American Registers and Hemingway’s Cultural Performances Such insights have signiicant relevance for Hemingway Studies. Hemingway’s exile from the cultural trappings of the US and its associated cultural performances began when he was a teenager. His relections are pointedly negative ater World War I, as he describes in a letter to James Gamble in 1919: “Don’t for the lord’s sake come to this country as long as you can help it. hat is from one who knoweth” (SL 21). his malcontentment occasioned his return to Europe, where he would express homesickness for Paris (Letters vol. 2, 69, 450; SL 94, 98), Italy (SL 21), and Spain (SL 387, 462) and, with less frequency, the US (SL 218, 255). In 1923, upon crossing the Atlantic for his irst wife Hadley to give birth closer to home, he writes to Ezra Pound, “For Christ sake if anybody pulls any more of that stuf about America, Tom Mix, Home and Adventure in search of beauty refer them to me” (SL 92). he disconnection appears severe: “When people lie to you and say America is beautiful, or as much fun to live in, give them the razz” (qtd. in Lynn 157). Despite the critical registers applied to him, ater his irst trip to Europe at age 18, Hemingway often expressed ambivalence about his culture of origin: “Why get excited about U.S.A.?,” he writes to Pound. “It means nothing to me. Why in hell should it mean anything to any intelligent person?” (Letters vol. 2, 395).11 By the summer of 1925, due in part to an ambivalent experience with the French12 (“Sons of bitching cock suckers . . . . Jesus how I hate the bastards”), Hemingway began to ponder moving away from Europe. While his initial period in Paris had been amenable, by August 1925 he expresses an interest in joining an invasion of France so he could shove “banderillos de fuego up the ass of the French Nation” (Letters vol. 2, 378). During this period, he considers moving to Madrid and México (Letters vol. 2, 378, 384), but he and Pauline Pfeifer would eventually land in Key West, an island with many cultural ties to Cuba.13 Once in Florida, he soon tires of life in the US political space and writes, “don’t ever come home thinking u.s.a. [is] interesting” (SL 373). He calls himself an “ex patriate” (Letters vol. 3, 445) who is there to “get a belly full of D’america” and leave (Letters vol. 3, 449). By 1934, Hemingway appears desperate for another move: I don’t give a damn about America I can’t help it . . . if you love America o.k. Pal but it doesn’t move me and it hasn’t moved me Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 13 for a long time and I can still be moved. It’s like trying to say Sarah Bernhardt is good because she was good once. I say the hell with it. I’ve seen better places and better people (Spain).14 Hemingway occasionally expressed negative sentiments about the US, Spain, and France,15 but Cuba was somewhat free from these criticisms—and it was Cuba that would shape Hemingway’s life and writing perhaps more than any other place. He irst set foot on the island on a transatlantic stopover in 1928 enroute to Key West and returned regularly in the following decade to ish and relax. As his marriage to Pauline deteriorated in the 1930s, Hemingway spent more time in Cuba and on the water, and began to avoid Key West. Ater several extended stays at the Hotel Ambos Mundos in Havana, he would move to Cuba in 1939 with his new wife Martha Gelhorn, renting and then purchasing the Finca Vigía, the place where he would put down roots. And the Finca Vigía was the nexus of Hemingway’s Cuba: writing in the morning, shooting pigeons (and, iguratively, landlords) in the aternoon; receiving guests in the evening; swimming in the pool (Ava Gardner doing so naked); and ishing the Gulf Stream. he library had bookshelves from loor to ceiling; newspapers, wine, and highball glasses were scattered about on the easy chairs and end tables in the living room. A ceiba root once emerged from the loor and Joan Miró’s he Farm hung nearby.16 Notations on the bathroom wall codiied a looming anxiety about his weight. Two or three dogs and many cats wandered about (a cemetery was prepared for them in the yard). A few ighting cocks and cows meandered about outside. Leisure time was spent at the Club de Cazadores, El Floridita, La Bodeguita del Medio, La Terraza, and out on the Pilar, among other places.17 Multicultural Life at the Finca Vigía: Neighbors and the Neighborhood here hasn’t been much attention to the language of the home and neighborhood, or how his engagement the local community informed Hemingway’s identity and writing. A closer look at the day-to-day life at the Finca Vigía will ofer a glimpse at the cultural backdrop that dominated the inal third of his life. Located on the Carretera Central de Cuba (aka Calzada de Guines) heading south from Havana, San Francisco de Paula is not an elegant or lavish suburb. Before the Castro Revolution many of the inhabitants were illiterate. he hillside roads exterior to the Hemingway property were unpaved and dotted with tin-roofed shacks. Among Hemingway’s proximate neighbors included 14 | he Hemingway Review Carlos Medina, a tram mechanic and communist; Diego Otero, the shit manager of a local machine shop; David Fernández, a laborer at a local brewery (Hemingway, it was said, secured him the position); and Manuel Antonio Ángulo “Toño,” a retired courthouse clerk and his wife, María del Rosario Monastel Ureña, who was from Costa Rica. here was also an apartment-house and a dairy farm owned by Gerardo Dueñas, and Roberto Salmón’s open lot, where he built a home in 1956. Another dairy, owned by Julián Rodríguez, for a time shared the entrance to the farm. he Hateuy brewery and a textile factory (both located in nearby towns) were among the main places of employment for San Francisco residents. he village had a small economy around the main thoroughfare. here was a pharmacy across from the entrance to the Finca Vigía and a small cafeteria, El Brillante, made famous for the wall painting described by homas Hudson. A tobacco shop, a mechanic, a tailor, and the homes of a few pensioners and a widow illed out the main road. Dirt lanes twisted about of the main route; each had small bars, shops, and restaurants. here were la Bodega de Víctor, la Bodega de Ignacio, la Bodega de Aníbal, small shops where one could buy toothpaste, rum, or a bottle of beer. René Villarreal called this community “his Cuban family and neighbors” (qtd. in Baker “Interview”). here was another resident of San Francisco de Paula who had a US passport—Frank Steinhart Jr., who was born and raised in Cuba. Hemingway hated him. His father (Frank Sr.) was born in Munich, immigrated to the US, and arrived in Cuba with the US invasion forces in 1898; and he, the father, would go on to be consul in the colonial government and later director of the USowned Havana Electric Railways, Light and Power Company. Frank Sr. died in 1938 and Frank Jr. took over the formerly colonial business. he Steinharts were enormously wealthy; Frank Jr. was kidnapped in 1935 and the family paid a ransom of $286,000.00—just under seven million, adjusted for inlation (“Cuban Kidnapping Victim is Freed”). It is unclear how much time Steinhart Jr. spent at the San Francisco de Paula residence, as he owned many properties around Havana, but he had a “private war” with Hemingway, who lobbed stink bombs and irecrackers during the magnate’s soirees. hese were not friendly or playful salvos, and members of the Vigía staf recall Hemingway’s hot temper toward Steinhart.18 In addition to the small igurative statues in his home and sacred stones he carried about with him, as Philip Melling has noted, “Hemingway was intrigued by Santería” (10). Hemingway commented that “witch-crat [is] prac- Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 15 tised in the neighbourhood especially in Guanabacoa” (SL 681)—Guanabacoa is within walking distance from the Hemingway home.19 In “Hemingway’s Black Gods,” Norberto Fuentes notes that during bouts of depression Hemingway would visit a santero (priest or holy man) named Arsenio in Guanabacoa for traditional medicines. Having beneitted from his treatments, Hemingway sent Lucía Castillo (wife of his driver, Juan Pastor López) to visit the same man. Hemingway also expressed adoration to the ceiba, which, in Santería, is the domain of Orishas. As René Villarreal recalls: he majestic ceiba tree shades the front of the house and menaces the roof with its branches. hat ceiba was Hemingway’s favorite tree. He did not allow anybody to trim, prune, or damage the tree while he lived there. (13) Hemingway said that he wanted to be buried beneath this tree, among its roots—a detail that enriches many depths regarding Hemingway’s experience in Cuba: it conirms that, at least in a cultural sense, he was an immigrant to the island and had envisioned the perpetuity of death in correspondence with the community (Fuentes, “Los Dioses negros” 1). Finca Vigía(n)s: Staf, Friends, and Guests he Hemingways employed a carpenter from Spain—José Pichilo, nicknamed “the Catalan”—cooks from Haiti and China (and briely two Jamaican maids), but most of the staf were Cuban, including the majordomos, Justo Pajé and then for many years René Villarreal;20 the chaufer, Juan Pastor López; a laborer and carpenter, Francisco (Pancho) Castro; and the laundry staf, Ana and Marta. Hemingway’s Cuban friends include Mario (Mayito) Menocal and his cousin, Elicio Argüelles. He was close with horwald Sánchez and Pichón Aguilera, who were shooting buddies; Carlos Kohly, his dermatologist; Jaime Boill, a local merchant and stockbroker; and Manuel Asper, the owner of the Hotel Ambos Mundos. And he had friendships or acquaintances with Cuban writers, like novelist Enrique Serpa and poet Nicolás Guillén. And a group of Spaniards were semi-permanent ixtures around the Finca, including Gustavo Durán, José Luis Herrero Sotolongo and his brother, Roberto, and Basque priest Don Andrés Untzaín, who was a regular guest with a group of Jai alai players. Several critics have noted that Mayito, Elicio, and horwald were among Hemingway’s closest friends during those years.21 He also had a particular af- 16 | he Hemingway Review fection for the boxer Kid Tunero, whom Hemingway met in Paris in the 1930s. José Luis Herrera Sotolongo said that “I never saw Ernesto be so tender with another man. hey were twin souls!” (qtd. in Paporov 49-50). In the leadup to Tunero’s last ight, Hemingway said to the Cuban press: No le extrañará que uno de los hombres que más quiero sea Kid Tunero, gane o pierda con Borrow. Para mí es el atleta más completo que ha producido Cuba. Si aún quedan caballeros en la tierra, Tunero es uno de ellos. Es puro y simple, como el pan, como el oro. [It won’t come as a surprise that one of the men I most love is Kid Tunero, win or lose against Borrow. To me he is the most complete athlete Cuba has produced. If there are still knights on earth, Tunero is one of them. He is pure and simple—like bread, like gold.] (qtd. in Cosano-Alén 1) Everyday life As US cultural frames were not generally present or accessible at the Hemingway home on a regular basis, the theory of an unhyphenated American Hemingway is complicated in the scope of his Cuban experience and expressions of community. In “Self-Identity in Sociocultural Contexts,” Han et al. demonstrate how the way we perceive ourselves is “modulated by sociocultural contexts” (65-66).22 Moreover, Hong et al. have reported that in such multicultural circumstances, “individuals possess more than one . . . cultural meaning system, and . . . a given cultural knowledge structure operates as an interpretive frame only to the extent that it is cognitively accessible” (“How Cultures Move hrough Minds” abstract). Reports like these have profound applications in literary studies: the same cognitive task—writing, for instance—is performed and processed diferently in the brain depending upon where a person realizes it: [A] priming procedure with diferent cultural symbols may temporarily activate the knowledge of one or another cultures in the participants’ minds and this may cause a shit between diferent cultural styles of self-concept and lead to corresponding changes of the neurocognitive processes. (Han et al. 73) Hemingway’s Cuba was colored by a small-town atmosphere, far from the noise of Havana. he criticism and biography concerning this period oten neglect what was perhaps the most inluential aspect of life at the Finca Vigía: Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 17 the fact that Spanish was the dominant language of the home and Hemingway’s principal language in the latter part of his life. he immersion in Cuban culture informed all dimensions of Hemingway’s reality—and ater a time it ceased to be an exotic cultural immersion and eventually entered the threshold of what Hemingway understood as his own culture and being. On several occasions—nearly always in Spanish—Hemingway described himself as a citizen of the island. he cross-linguistic component of life at the Finca Vigía is of particular importance, as multi-language thinking (that is, thinking in Spanish and/or Spanglish, and other tongues) shaped Hemingway’s use and knowledge of English. Many reports in sociolinguistics have similar indings: “People with more than one language have diferent knowledge of their irst language (L1) than do monolingual people” (Kecskes ix), and these shits in language knowledge also have clear shaping efects on behavior, such that “there is no reason why a person who speaks both English and Spanish should behave in the same way as a monolingual speaker of either language” (Paul Meara qtd. in Kecskes ix). Linguistic relativity maintains that the structure of a language afects the ways a speaker conceptualizes his or her world. Language has been shown to inluence our most fundamental cognitive processes, such that multilingual people “view the world in diferent ways depending on the speciic language they are operating in,” and these factors shape conduct, such that there are “distinct behavior [norms] in bilinguals depending on the language of operation” (Athanasopoulos 1). Lera Boroditsky notes that these “new ways of talking” shape “the way they think . . . the way they conceptualize things” including time, place, color, community, and “many abstract ideas [including] justice, love, compassion, or truth” (“Mind & Life”). Vivian Cook has argued that such indings require a “re-valuing of the concept of a native speaker” (3) as multilingual people should not be understood as “native” speakers of any one tongue: “Indeed,” notes Cook, “there is little point to counting ‘languages’ in a single mind – L1, L2, L3, Ln – as they form a single system” (7). hus, when Hemingway was speaking English or Spanish, or any other of the tongues in his purview, he should not be understood as a speaker of “English” per se, as his knowledge of English had changed and was shaped by Spanish (and other languages). “he language mode continuum is not then about which language to use but about how much of each. It is like a mixer tap that merges hot and cold water, but neither tap can be completely turned of ” (Cook 10). hus, an English-centric reading of Hemingway and his work fails to encompass this 18 | he Hemingway Review dynamic linguistic condition that occurred in his mind, behavior, speech, and writing. If English is a central part of the unhyphenated American theoretical base, moreover, these indings command a reinterpretation, as “people who know more than one language have a distinct, compound state of mind” (Jarvis and Pavlencko 17).23 As language shapes thought and the ways that words and ideas are codiied into text, Hemingway’s Cuban writings in English should be understood as informed (and at the very least inlected) by Spanish. Gayle Rogers has noted that these literary devices can appear “illogical,” making the elusive and often trans or crosslingual depths embedded in the writing “apparent only to readers who know both English and Spanish (or at least some Spanish) and can see the colliding linguistic planes” (238). Rogers detly observes that such a “minoritizing of a dominant language” has remarkable literary outcomes, including a “multiperspectivalism that prompts this efect and its force upon the characters, the dialogue, the narration, and the plot” (225). In this way, Hemingway performed Cuban identity through literature written in English (or, mainly in English). he precise efects of this interlingual approach to literature in English (or mainly in English) are manifest in semantic, aesthetic, and thematic forms. Spanish and English as linguistic registers have some fundamental structural diferences, which, among other variances, include divergences in uses of time, perception of color, and understanding of gender. Lera Broditsky notes: Even basic aspects of time perception can be afected by language.24 English speakers prefer to talk about duration in terms of length (e.g., “hat was a short talk,” “he meeting didn’t take long”), while Spanish . . . speakers prefer to talk about time in terms of amount, relying more on words like “much” “big,” and “little” rather than “short” and “long.” (“Language?” 1) When English speakers have learned to discuss time in these ways, their “cognitive performance[s begin] to resemble” those of the new system. his also occurs in the case of gender (nouns and adjectives have gender in Spanish) and, once English speakers are dominant in the new grammatical gender systems (applying femininity to the sea, for example) this process “inluences mental representations of objects in the same way it does [for native] . . . Spanish speakers” (Broditsky, “Language” 1). Hemingway, then, had a mind that functioned, at least in a linguistic sense, like that of any other Cuban—which Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 19 emerges in the treatment of “la mar” in he Old Man and the Sea:25 He always thought of the sea as la mar which is what people call her in Spanish when they love her. Sometimes those who love her say bad things of her but they are always said as though she were a woman. (OMAS 29)26 hese efects transcend linguistic spheres and are inluential in how a multilingual person experiences reality (and, thus, codiies ideas in text).27 Multicompetence linguistics are manifest in literary themes (gendered objects) and in formation and structure of sentences; how a person perceives cognate concepts (Kecskes 58-59); and how a person constructs a memory in the mind (81). Moreover, even further aield language-mediated concepts like space, identity, gender roles, and community-ailiations (i.e., Americanness) are also put into lux (Jarvis and Pavlencko 113). As Jarvis and Pavlencko point out, “individuals . . . are shaped through their socialization into new discursive communities” (153). hese socialization processes “can result in the modiication and transformation of already acquired concepts” (153). “American” culture, life, and language are “already-acquired” concepts for Hemingway when he arrived on the island, and thus, these reports indicate that it is necessary to transition our readings of him and his work away from such essences as a base of study. he role of language, identity, and culture are diicult and perhaps impossible to separate from one another, as the presence of several languages shapes both “verbal and nonverbal tasks” (Jarvis and Pavlencko 171). As Ivan Kecskes has observed, there is a “transfer of sociocultural norms and patterns of interaction from one language to another” (x). here are distinct behavioral codes, oten unconscious to the speaker, which are engaged depending on the language of the conversation or interaction. An important concept to bear in mind is that “the most used language becomes dominant” (Maitreyee and Goswami 33) and thus, if we are to read Hemingway’s writing and biography through any linguistic register, it should be more descriptive of his Cuban environment and less English-centric. he texts and interviews from Cuba document Hemingway’s multiple-language and multiple-culture sense of identity. “Here, in the house,” Hemingway wrote in 1950, “we talk Spanish always” (SL 704). While there aren’t many audio or video recordings let from this period, many of the letters and memos regarding every-day life are in Spanish and Spanglish. Nearly all the more quotidian communiqués, like his Christmas card and memos to the house staf, 20 | he Hemingway Review Christmas card; December 1951. Courtesy of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library. were written in Spanish: “Muchas felicidades y los mejores deseos para el Año Nuevo” [Holiday greetings and best wishes for the New Year] Other texts from this period discuss music, food, travel, and preparing the boat, among other topics. he second page of this memo to the staf was typed; the irst page is not available (includes original spelling): Ese es económico y por lo tanto, bueno. Pero tambien monótono. Por favor, trate de comprar menos carne, excepto cuando comprando carnes para asado o cuando compran pavo. 1. Ensaladas: Nosotros gustamos los aguacates pero no los queremos cada dia. Compre un aguacate cada segunda dia; y cuando u sted lo serve, no serve tambien los tomates, rabanos o pepinos. El aguacate está bastante para nosotros. 2. Las dias cuando usted no a comprado aguacates (3 o 4 dias cada semana) de-nos ensaladas de: a. Lechuga, tomates, y rabanos; O b. Lechuga, pepinos, zanahoria, que no esta cocido, y berro. O c. Lechuga, poquito aji, pedazos de toronjas o naranjas. Mas tarde, yo haré una salsa para todas las ensaladas. Esa salsa retenemos Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 21 en caja para hielo y ella aguantara una semana o mas. POSTRES: Sus bizcochos estan muy buenos. Pero, frecuentemente, estan muy grandes para nosotros. Cuando comemos solos. ¿Es posible dividir su recipe por mitad? Si posible, sera buena idea y mas económico. Como postres, nosotros queremos tambien: 1. Todas frutas frescas, con un poquito de queso y galleticas. 2. Toronja o Piña o Plátano de postre, asarado en parrillas con pocito azucar. [hat is more economical and thus, good. But it is also monotonous. Please try to buy less meat, except when you buy meat for grilling/roasting or turkey. 1. Salads: We like avocados but we do not want them every day. Buy an avocado every second day; and when you serve it, also [include] tomatoes, radishes, or cucumbers. he avocado is enough for us. 2. he days when you have not bought avocado (3 or 4 days each week) give us salads of: a. Lettuce, tomatoes, and radishes. or b. Lettuce, cucumbers carrot that is not cooked, and watercress. or c. Lettuce, a little bit of pepper, pieces of grapefruit or oranges. Later, I will make a dressing for all the salads. hat dressing we keep in the box with ice and it will last a week or more. DESSERTS: Your cakes are very good. But, oten, they are too big for us. When we eat alone. Is it possible to divide your recipe in half? If possible, it will be a good idea and more economical. For dessert, we also want: All fresh fruits, with a little bit of cheese and little cookies. 2. Grapefruit or Pineapple or grilled Banana with a little bit of sugar.] (undated memo JFK; ile 16-1770, 18-65) Hemingway also used Spanish in his public life, including when addressing large groups for civic events. One of these speeches relects on his own idiosyncratic Spanish: “Ilustres politicos, militares, senoras, senores y amigos. Hablo muy mal el castellano porque lo aprendi en tales lugares como Madrid, Pamplona, Andalucia, Regla, y La Muelle de Caballería, cada uno con su accento distinto” [Distinguished politicians, military men, ladies, gentlemen and friends. I speak Spanish very badly because I learned it in such places as Madrid, Pamplona, Andalucía, Regla, and La Muelle de Caballeria, each with 22 | he Hemingway Review its distinct accent] (Speech to Cuban Tourism, accepting medal, Ransom box 3.6; 23 September 1952). While public communications and correspondence with his staf are exclusively in Spanish, what is perhaps more characteristic of Hemingway’s quotidian writing from Cuba is the frequency of cross-lingual devices.28 Nearly all his letters to Adriana Ivancich are enlivened by multilingual puns and code-switching—and he would usually close these letters with several paragraphs written in Spanish. Here he describes his lament for missing his son’s wedding: Es que hay que morir y casarse al mismo tiempo para ser bastante en Baltimore? No me voy. Ni en broma. En la boda de Bumby estuvo representado para el Embajador nuestra en Paris. Cosa normal. Pero esta? Me faltan embajadores. Siempre puede mandar el Cubano, claro. (o oscuro) [Is it necessary to die and get married at the same time to be enough in Baltimore? I’m not going. No kidding. At Bumby’s wedding I was represented by our ambassador in Paris. Normal thing. But this? I lack ambassadors. I can always send the Cuban, of course. (Or dark)] (16 April 1950; Ransom)29 In addition to indicating that the Cuban ambassador can represent him, a cultural performance in its own, he also uses the term “claro” (literally clear or light, meaning “of course” in idiomatic Spanish) with “oscuro” (meaning, literally “dark”). “Work hard on Spanish,” Hemingway writes to Adriana in another letter, “because I think the things we need to say to each other we will be able to say quite well in Spanish” (17 April 1950; Ransom). Another correspondence between them discusses the multilingual nature of their communication: “Now I write you in Spanish (Castellano we call it) so you, nor nobody will understand it: Esta cárcel, estos hierros en que el alma está metida” [his prison, these iron bars in which the soul is conined] (1950 no date; Ransom). here is also evidence that Hemingway used Spanish to organize his mind. Raúl Corrales recalls: “He used to speak to himself out loud when he was alone. I heard him a few times and it drew my attention that he spoke to himself in Spanish and not in English” (qtd. in “Hemingway y Corrales” 1). Spanish and Spanglish were the principal languages of Ernest and his fourth wife Mary Welsh, and their home, by the late 1940s. Use of those languages began to transcend their presence in Cuba, and the couple would speak them together Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 23 while vacationing in other places. As he notes in True at First Light, “Spanish was regarded as Mary’s and my tribal language” (128). Hemingway also spoke to the animals in Spanish, “talked to [the lion] very sotly in Spanish . . . all the time I was stroking him and talking to him in Spanish” (63) and to his apparent lover, Debba: “At irst I only spoke to her [Debba] in Spanish. . . . I never spoke a word of English to her and we retained some Swahili words but the rest was a new language made up of Spanish and Kamba” (35). Hemingway also speaks in Spanish with people in Africa who don’t understand it (238, 259). here is some evidence that Hemingway also dreamed in Spanish, which is oten considered a trait of linguistic dominance: “‘You were talking in Spanish [while sleeping],’ she [Mary] said. ‘It was about there being no remedy’” (TAFL 71). he love-talk with Debba is in Spanish as well, “‘You have very beautiful hands,’ I told her in Spanish” (64). And he says that he “thinks” of her with a Spanish possessive adjective and a formal, though jestful, form of address, “In Spanish I thought of her as Nuestra Señora de los Apple knockers” (229). Hemingway endeavored to teach Debba some of his language and, signiicantly, as was the case with Adriana, the tongue he imparts to her is Spanish: “‘No hay remedio,’ I said. It was one of the irst things I had taught her to say in Spanish and she said it now very carefully. It was the saddest thing I knew in Spanish and I thought it was probably best for her to learn it early” (TAFL 63-4). “No hay [más] remedio” means “there is no remedy/cure” and is oten used to indicate that a circumstance is out of one’s control. “I told her in Spanish I loved her very much and that I loved everything about her from her feet to her head and we counted all the things that were loved and she was truly very happy and I was happy too” (143). Hemingway also wrote to Adriana from Safari, using a tone that is similarly playful and translingual. “Como se dice tu O.K.? Pues O.K. Due volte crashed complete with elefantes y otra bestia. Once we burned more or less in technicolor. . . . he door was jammed /que es jammed en tu dialecta, tu?) and it was necessary to open it with my head (coup de tete)” (2 January 1954; Ransom). And he also reports on the arrival of a lion to their camp: ha venido MisTer Simba en persona con senora esposa – como no tengo ninguna arma dijo ‘oyeté. Mister Simba. En pace tu somos aquí de una manera accidental. Pero si tu quiereis aqui soy yo.’ Mister Simba hizo investigaciones y se fue. Mrs. Simba tambien. Nada mas except that” [Mister Simba30 had come in person with 24 | he Hemingway Review his wife - since I had no weapons, I said “Listen up. Mister Simba. It seems you are here in an accidental way. But if you want me, here I am.” Mister Simba did some research and let. Mrs. Simba, too. Nothing more except that] (2 January 1954; Ransom).31 In a telling meta-commentary about his use of language in these letters to Adrianna, Hemingway writes to Bernard Berenson: I want to write Adriana in Venice and I write quite a good and truly loving letter and I read it over to see if it is OK and it is wonderfully OK except that half is in Spanish and ½ in Kamba. hat is when you know things are perhaps not too good. (SL 827) his commentary goes on to engage a relection on the brain, the hand, and a letter, in a translingual pun. “Tu. So today I write to you Tu and see if I connect the hand a little better with the brain” (828). It appears that the distance from a Spanish-speaking environment stirred some nostalgia and self-relection from Hemingway. he reminiscence is, thoughtfully, about Spanish rather than English, though it is expressed in an English-heavy Spanglish (perhaps because Berenson, the recipient of the letter, did not speak much Spanish): “Spanish [is] the only language I really know” remarks Hemingway. And if he had been born in another country, “I would have written in Spanish and been a ine writer I hope. As it is I must write in English, a bastard tongue but fairly maneuverable. Spanish is a language Tu” (SL 828). Mary Welsh’s memoir, How it Was, is peppered with reports about life at the Finca in Spanish and of Hemingway speaking to her in Spanish and Spanglish. Some of the Spanglish are verbs and nouns that do not have precise translations, bridge terms, or idiomatic phrases: “Somebody should aprovechar this book’s reception” (307). [recounting a conversation with EH on boat] “‘You all right my kitten?’ he asked. ‘Cómo no? But wasn’t that something rough, how quick that storm hit?’ ‘I don’t remember any turbonada coming so fast.’ ‘Or with waves so tall and thin.’ ‘A freak turbonada. We’ve been to the circus.’” (87)32 Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 25 One of the more notable translingual games that appears in How it Was involves the concept of boredom, which has diferent depths in Spanish than English: Like so many Spanish words, aburrida (fem.) has several meanings. It can mean ‘bored with’ or ‘weary of,’ as in ‘I am aburrida with these road signs advertising toothpaste.’ It can also convey ‘uneasiness of mind and despondency.’ (292) Boredom as despondency reappears in English later in the memoir: “Perhaps because of boredom Ernest nagged me at lunch one day because I had failed to get repaired in Paris a pocketknife” (400). his det unpacking of the term in English through its Spanish connotations appears to be an erudite allusion not only to Hemingway’s uneasiness and despondency (rather than “boredom” in an English-language sense) but also to the profundity of her internal linguistic and intellectual processes, which had been shaped by the merging of the languages and their philosophical maps. Hemingway’s perception of the shaping efects of the Spanish language, social transplantation, and cultural distance in his life appears in a 1947 letter to Faulkner: Diference with us guys is I always lived out of country (as mercenary or patriot) since kid. My own country gone. . . . Found good country outside, learned language as well as I know English (SL 624). he “Matter of Being Expatriots” here is much material yet to be mined regarding Hemingway’s extraculture-of-origin (that is, non-US) declarations of membership; they span an array of disciplines and forms.33 Nearly all Hemingway’s verbal declarations of ailiation with Cuban peoples and denunciations of what he termed “yanquí” status were articulated in Spanish. On 28 October 1954, Hemingway was at Finca Vigía when he received news that he had won the Nobel Prize for Literature. While he refused to comment for the US press, he welcomed Carlos Amador Rodríguez from the local news into his home. In their conversation, Hemingway declared himself “el primero cubano sato a ganar este premio” [the irst Cuban mutt to receive this prize].34 He distinguishes Cuba—Cojímar, in particular—as “mi pueblo” (his people or community).35 Hemingway went 26 | he Hemingway Review even further at the Havana airport on 4 November 1959, saying: “I am very glad to be here again because I consider myself Cuban . . . I sympathize with the government and all our diiculties” (qtd. in Fuentes, Hemingway in Cuba 238; Hemingway’s emphasis).36 Hemingway kissed the Cuban lag and said, “I kissed it with all my heart, not as an actor” (qtd. in Reynolds 35). he FBI’s investigative ile on Hemingway called this “subversive” activity.37 he theory that Hemingway was an unhyphenated American during this period does not correspond to a great deal of the material thus far discussed here, and perhaps because of this, these declarations of Cuban identity are rarely cited in criticism—and when they do appear, they tend to be treated cursorily.38 he concepts embedded in these relections call out for a more diverse critical perspective, one that is more sensitive to how Hemingway was [a] Cuban. Couching Hemingway’s experience as an “American life” in Cuba fails to address, as Hemingway phrased it, “he matter of being expatriots” (BL 474), an expression which is not a misspelling: “ex” in this context generally means “not” or “former.”39 Hemingway’s Contribution to Cuban Literatures: he Old Man and the Sea he Old Man and the Sea is perhaps Hemingway’s most important contribution to Cuban literatures. he narrative brings together much of Hemingway’s knowledges and experiences of San Francisco de Paula, Cojímar, and the languages and cultures of the island. hese sato knowledges are engaged as an active (though oten absent) foundation to the novella. As he notes in a letter to Malcolm Cowley: If I wanted to I could have put in that everybody lived in the same road, and what they did and what they thought. And how they lived and how they put in the dingy race and bootlegging days and [1933] revolution and civil, medical and religious trouble and every change in death and marriage and birth and economic thing I know about the village . . . his story, Malcolm, is what I knew and had igured out in those early chapters [of his time in Cuba] with what I have learned since . . . [W]hen I wrote this Old Man and the Sea, I knew more and I could write with the same degree of concentration and elimination. (qtd. in Brasch 218-19) hat which had been crated out of the text, said Carlos Baker, “could have Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 27 been a thousand pages long, illed with the history and sociology of Santiago’s village and all its people . . . and all the day-to-day aspects of rural life” (Life Story 501). hese concealments give the story several dimensions, allowing the piece to be enjoyed as a man/marlin brotherhood or struggle; as a Christian allegory; as a centennial retelling of Moby-Dick; as a latter-day Ahab tale, and so on. he unspoken themes reach Santiago’s social and cultural history, his migration to the Caribbean; the cultural transitions and languages he engaged once there; and his relationships with the people of Cuba, Cojímar, Peninsular Spain, and the Canary Islands. Hemingway probably spent more time in Cuba with Gregorio Fuentes than anyone (aside from Mary). As mates on the Pilar, the two spent countless days and nights on the water, outings that would be colored with anecdote and lore; the sharing of life experiences, goals and dreams, and failures. “Viví con él” [I lived with him], Fuentes recalled about their time together. During those empty hours, the two surely spoke of Spain, Cuban and Canarian Spanish, the distinct foods, religious rituals, and colonization, and these matters form the undercurrents in the novella: Was anything let unsaid between you? Nothing. We said it all.40 he parallels between Santiago and Gregorio Fuentes are worth noting.41 In a letter to Lillian Ross, Hemingway explains, “he Old Man was born a catholic in the island of Lanza Rota (sic) in the Canary Islands” (SL 807). Santiago worked with his father on cargo ships that ran to Africa with before immigrating to Cuba at age 22 (or perhaps later than that age).42 I have argued that Santiago’s nostalgic reminiscing—which is for the Canary Islands, not Cuba—evidences the resonant inluences of his Spanish/Canarian identity, foregrounding the migrant experience of the old man as a concealed foundation to the novella (Herlihy “Eyes”). In 1897, Gregorio Fuentes-Betancourt43 was born in Arrecife, Lanzarote near Charco de San Ginés. As a boy and young man, he worked with his father on cargo ships that ran to Africa, and later, as an adult, as a hand on freighters from Sevilla and Valencia that called in South America; and on Portuguese ships that worked Puerto Rico and Trinidad. He had been to Cuba as a portof-call destination, and, ater buying his mother a home in La Palma at age twenty-two, he would move to Havana (How it Was 419). While his image has been appropriated in a sense by the Cuban tourism industry, near the end of 28 | he Hemingway Review his life Gregorio Fuentes was described in the press as “mitad canario, mitad cubano” [half Canarian, half Cuban] and recognized as “the canario who experienced three centuries” (Sánchez-García 1).44 Having migrated in his early twenties without his mother and several brothers, who remained in Lanzarote, it seems that Fuentes had a lifelong nostalgia for his homeland; eighty years ater moving to Havana he procured his birth certiicate and Cuban immigration papers in order to maintain Spanish citizenship.45 América Fuentes, Gregorio’s eldest daughter, comments that, despite his desire to maintain political and cultural connections with his homeland, migration was a profound part of her father’s life, personal history, and sense of being. And he wanted to recognize the ailiation he had forged with his adopted homeland: “Gregorio was always indebted to the American continent,” she recalls. “He always wanted to name his irst daughter América . . . He did this, but fate determined that this daughter was to die. he second birth [América Fuentes] he repeated the same name” (qtd. in del Carmen Ramón 1). Ernest Hemingway attended América’s wedding, and that of her sisters. A central theme of he Old Man and the Sea is Santiago’s immigration.46 Hemingway’s contribution to Cuban Literatures is layered by Santiago’s acculturation and mediation of Canarian and Cuban identities. he various linguistic performances engaged (the presence of several dialects of Spanish and English, their interplay, and so on), and the application of these migrant topics to literature—a thematic track Hemingway initiated in previous novels—are crystalized in Santiago, whose background is rich with these concealed intercultural dimensions.47 Hemingway had experienced many of these Spanish(and Canarian)-immigrant-in-Cuba realities personally, as well, as he had many friends in Cuba (and several employees, aside from Fuentes) who were emigrants, exiles, and sojourners from Spain and the Canaries. While there is an apparent reluctance to read Hemingway as Cuban, or as an immigrant to Cuba, there is no such hesitancy (at least in Englishlanguage scholarship48) to categorize Santiago as Cuban. Nevertheless, the theory that Santiago is Cuban in a constant and static sense overlooks what might be his deinitive characteristic: the outsider social status that underlies his actions, perceptions of reality, use of language, and sentiments of community.49 It has been argued that the term “expatriate” in English is a charged term oten reserved for the upper-middle-class, while “immigrant” is to be used for the working class; this imprecise linguistic norm could be a shaping factor for the overwhelming propensity for the disparate classiications of Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 29 Hemingway and Santiago, despite their similar political and cultural situations in Cuba (Koutionin 1). he historical and cultural circumstances unique to working-class Canarian migrants in Cuba are generally unstated in the narrative. Before the Castro Revolution, discrimination against canarios on the island was severe: not only did they receive residual anticolonial sentiment “as representatives of the [Spanish] metropole,” but also as a generally lower-class community of migrants, the discrimination “was much worse for canarios [than other Spaniards]” (Fadragas, Los canarios y las luchas emancipadoras 25). Many were sojourners who stayed between four and six years, coming and going from home like “golondrinas” (or seasonal birds); it has been said that the typical dream of the canario in Cuba was to purchase a home in the mountains of their home islands—a detail that perhaps informs the content of Santiago’s dreams (Yanes-Mesa 1). Ethnicity, like race, is a social and cultural construct that became an important scholarly focus in the mid to late 20th century. Hemingway unpacked the ethnicity of Santiago as a literary resource in he Old Man and the Sea in part to gesture toward these hidden themes. Canarios were encouraged to migrate to Cuba as a low-cost workforce to replace slaves in the early twentieth century. “his white immigration was the favourite,” notes José Antonio Vidal Rodríguez, for both US imperialists and “Spanish traders and industrialists, who excluded [Cuban] workers” (32). As Dácil Juif notes: Even within [the Canary Islands], those who let belonged to the least skilled section of the population. By promoting the inlux of a cheap and poorly educated white workforce that replaced African slaves on their sugar estates, large landowners in Cuba contributed to the perpetuation of high economic, political and social inequality. (abstract) he maltreatment of canarios was linked to this ethnicity, a subject that has received signiicant scholarly attention in reports like “Canario: White Slaves” by Alfredo Martín Fadragas and White Slavery by Manuel Sánchez Paz.50 hese circumstances were codiied in Cuban language as well: canarios were “joked about and exploited”; they were labeled “brutes,” “dirty-footed Spaniards,” and “bananamen” in such a way that “the fact of being from the Canary Islands associated the men with animal status, brutality, [and being] uncultured” (González Pagés et al. 1). hese men were also “treated poorly by pen- 30 | he Hemingway Review insulares [Spaniards from the Peninsula], even by those of their own classes” (Fadragas, “Canarios” 79). Ethnic Cleansing of canarios in Cuba: “Kill canarios until your arm is tired!” In 1926, there was a state-backed ethnic-cleansing campaign against canarios known as “La Matanza de canarios en Ciego de Ávila” [he Slaughter of canarios in Ciego de Ávila] (Fuentes, Los últimos 88). Enrique Pina, a former colonel in the Cuban army, was held for ransom by three canarios and another man. he perpetrators were arrested and executed without trial. Reprisals against ethnic Canarians occurred across the island for months: “¡Maten isleños hasta que se les canse el brazo!” [Kill canarios until your arm is tired!] was the order from Gerardo Machado, then president of Cuba. Anywhere from forty to one hundred innocent men were executed the irst day of these reprisals; dozens more were hung, drowned, and strangled in the subsequent months by agents of the government “with and without uniforms” (Macías Martín 203). In the two years following the kidnapping and subsequent purge, canarios were found dead by suicide all over the island. “here was a great deal of terror around the Canarian community on the island at that time,” notes Juan Carlos Saveedra, “a wave of suicides . . . and of those who had the means, many led” (qtd. in “1926, trágica matanza de canarios en Cuba”).51 In the coverage of these events, both the period and contemporary reports, Canary Islanders are not called “Cuban” but rather distanced from that idea through terms like “foreigner,” “isleño,” “español,” and “canario”; they are sometimes labeled “trasterrados blancos procedentes de España” in the media (Paz 21); “trasterrado” can be a pejorative term that refers to a person who migrates and brings something of the former place with them.52 In 1925, a year before the cleansing occurred, a newspaper called canarios “casi cubanos” [almost Cubans] (“Una injusta omisión” 16). Gregorio Fuentes was twenty-nine years old and had lived in Cuba for seven years when the ethnic cleansing began. He would have experienced irsthand the terror campaign, and, like many other canarios who remained in Cuba, he likely would have attempted to Cubanize himself however possible in an efort to ease the tension brought on by his social and cultural otherness. Fuentes, like Santiago, lived in Cojímar and was arguably Hemingway’s primary reference for things Canarian, the source from which the novella was constructed. Almost without question, Hemingway and Fuentes would have Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 31 discussed these topics at length, which would inform his literary preparation for writing a Canarian protagonist in Cuba. In this complicated historical context, Santiago is laughed at by the men of Cojímar and dreams longingly of his homeland. But the intricacies of his Canarian heritage—the then-recent ethnic cleansing of canarios, and the residual postcolonial tensions—are mostly concealed in the novella. Hemingway orients the narrative and all its interwoven parts from his Cuban perspective, one cultivated from personal experiences and from stories—tales that most certainly included particulars of the 1926 massacre—from canarios Fuentes and Gutiérrez (a canario who was his mate on the Pilar before Fuentes), among others who he knew in Cojímar, Key West, Havana, Madrid, Paris, and San Francisco de Paula.53 he Cuban-Spanish Translation of he Old Man and the Sea Hemingway thought the Cuban-Spanish translation of the novella was insensitive to how Santiago used the Spanish language. He found Lino Novás Calvo’s work so inaccurate that he wouldn’t allow a copy of it in the house (Paporov 219). Believing Calvo’s Cuban-centric approach missed some of the linguistic resonances of a Spanish migrant in Cuba, Hemingway asked José Luis Herrero Sotolongo (a Spaniard) to go over it with him. Inquiring why he was being involved, Herrero Sotolongo replied: “It would have been better if you had sent it to one of the Cuban writers, Ernest . . . I am a Spaniard. Did you forget?” Hemingway replies, yes, he knows, and for that reason he wants him to examine the translation. “Do you see that my isherman speaks Cuban? . . . [read it again] tonight! Come tomorrow at lunchtime. You have to be here! Novás Calvo will be here. I need you. Without fail!” (qtd. Paporov 217-18). Hemingway conirmed that Santiago uses a mix of Cuban and Canarian forms of language—and of thinking—in a letter to Malcom Cowley. Cowley had inquired about an apparent error Santiago makes identifying a tuna. Hemingway responded that while the text may appear unclear, Santiago’s two dialects are both correct: “his ish was a small tuna, but the old man being from the Canaries, would call him ‘albacora’ and think of him generally as ‘Bonito’” (qtd. in Brasch 222; emphasis added). he resonances from his native dialect result in his thinking of the ish one way and verbalizing it in another. Later in the novella, Santiago struggles to say and eventually abandons use of “albacora” in favor of his native term for small tuna— “bonito”;54 when fatigued, a second language, or even a second dialect, is more diicult to manage.55 32 | he Hemingway Review Hemingway’s Cuban novel brings together Carib, European, and African narratives,56 but it was Hemingway’s Cuban identity that was codiied in the text. he medal for the Nobel Prize, granted in the wake of he Old Man and the Sea, was “donated to the Cuban people”—and this act, “a verb that has just ive letters [donar],” notes Máximo Gómez Noda, “to ofer a laurel of this category is not just anything; it was an act of love” (qtd. in García 1). Valerie Hemingway said Hemingway’s departure from Cuba, carried out under duress, was the “hardest thing he ever did”—and Don Anderson, who saw Hemingway just before his death, said: “I think it really messed him up to have to leave Cuba” (qtd. in “Ernest Hemingway: Rivers to the Sea”). And it was ironic in a sense that when the stress of leaving his new homeland became too acute to bear he was in the US. he dire circumstance—in which “no había más remedio”—would invoke one of his inal Cuban identity performances. As the US bombed the Bay of Pigs, Hemingway made his irst suicide attempt. NOTES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. he label “American” (lacking hyphenation) tends to be unpacked without attention to the ontology of the term (is it a noun or adjective? If it is an adjective, does it describe a permanent or temporal state?) or the luid nature of identity for individuals who reside in multicultural spaces. Kevin Maier has argued persuasively that motion, rather than a settled existence, could be a register for Hemingway (“A Trick Men Learn in Paris”). Ernest Hemingway’s corpus of novels might well be titled “Relections on Exile.” A unifying concept among them is the cultural distance and social reorientation of the main characters—and descriptions of their adoption of new and abandonment of former cultural performances. his problem of perspective is not limited to cultural criticism. In public health ields, similar misrepresentations stem from scholars who “do not recognize that the assumptions that underlie their [investigative] endeavors relect their own norms and not necessarily those of the populations they . . . study,” a circumstance that involves an “implicit bias in U.S. theories and interventions” (Kagawa-Singer et al. 40). Some of Hemingway’s adoptive cultural performances were linguistic (speaking Spanish at home more oten than English), political (ostensible support of Castro), religious (Catholic performances and consideration for Santería and other local rites), literary (Cuban-themed stories and novels), and the more quotidian aspects of everyday life (preferences for clothing, music, gastronomy, and alcohol). While I have argued that Hemingway could be read as a Cuban refugee in the US in 1960 (In Paris or Paname chapter 3), Cuban culture in his life (when not negated altogether) tends to be treated as a capricious and momentary engagement, or ignored. An important exception is the work of Wai Chee Dimock, who noted with subtle laughter, “Hemingway is not just an American author but very much a Cuban author in Cuba” (“Introduction”). Dimock’s amusement at her Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 33 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. own insightful remark in a sense reiterates the ways Hemingway is to be read: due to the myths that construct and maintain an unhyphenated-American nature, any relection outside those limits—even her own—appears illogical if not ungrammatical, worthy of laughter. his article, then, endeavors to decouple such a concept from a jestful, underdeveloped detail to one that is more central to understanding Hemingway and the foundations of his literature. A critical course that has become entrenched in the transnational turn in literary studies unpacks a variant of one (or several) of three paths of investigation, through: (1) the presumed dominant culture, (2) the presumed secondary culture, and (3) a presumed hybridized third path that apparently incorporates multiple indexes (Doyle 1-5). As these methods rely on the pre-existence of stable cultural groups (“American” and “Cuban” for instance), both national and transnational readings require a critical leap—one that limits the interpretation of an individual’s action by precategorization in relation to these hypothetically stable, oten plural or hybrid conceptualizations of cultural groups. For more on the shortcomings of transnational approaches, see my book, Ater American Studies: Rethinking the Legacies of Transnational Exceptionalism. A groundbreaking study in this ield is Northof Hans’s “Cultural-Sensitive Substrates of Human Cognition: A Transcultural Neuroimaging Approach”; see also “he Relation Between the Self and Others: A Transcultural Neuroimaging Approach” by Li Zhang et al. For more on this topic, see: “Two Modes of hinking: Evidence from Cross-Cultural Psychology” by Britt Glatzeder; and “Brain, Behavior, and Culture: Insights from Cognition, Perception, and Emotions” by Nicholas Rule, Jonathan Freeman, Nalini Ambady. his concept has been examined in depth in: Cultural Neuroscience: Cultural Inluences on Brain Function by Juan Y. Chiao and Brain Culture: Neuroscience and Popular Media by Davi Johnson hornton. Perhaps in correlation to these changes in the brain, artists and writers have long used distance from origins, travel, and residence in a non-native culture as a source of creative stimulation. hese changes in the brain result in changes in behavior, including ailiational action and expression, and the nature of creative production. Pound once said, “all America is an insane asylum” (qtd. in Erkkila 1). Hemingway and his irst wife Hadley let Paris for Toronto, where their son John Hadley Nicanor was born; they returned to France as soon as it was feasible. While Paris is oten celebrated in literary studies, Hemingway had a turbulent relationship with the city (see Herlihy-Mera “When Hemingway Hated Paris”); as novelist and scholar Katy Masuga notes, the emotions she inds more natural in France: “angst, emptiness, fragility of human experience, and the like, and their expressions in art. hese kinds of things I identify with Paris” (Herlihy-Mera and Masuga 172). Key West evidences how political frontiers are rarely conterraneous with cultural borders. During Hemingway’s stint there, the island had a distinctive Latin American lavor—as it does now (Herlihy-Mera “Reinterpreting Papa(á) in Cuba”). Letters from the period indicate that the Cuban culture of Key West was central to Hemingway’s decision to live there. He lauds that he “can speak Spanish there” (Letters vol. 3, 449) and comments, “his is a grand place—all talk Spanish” (Letters vol. 3, 379). Use of Spanish on the island is repeated perhaps more than any other topic in the letters leading up to his move there (Letters vol. 3, 379, 436, 448, 449, 450, 459). He understands it as “like Petoskey” with “50% Cubans” (Letters vol. 3, 387, 385). 34 | he Hemingway Review 14. (SL 410; Hemingway’s parentheses). In 1953, he writes, “when I went away from Chicago I wanted to go just about as far away from there as I could go” (SL 819). Valerie Hemingway notes that “he man I knew did not belong to any country” (“Hemingway’s Cuba” 1). 15. See Jefrey Herlihy-Mera’s “‘He was a sort of Joke in Fact: Ernest Hemingway in Spain” and “When Hemingway Hated Paris.” 16. Hemingway also revered the work of Antonio Gattorno, whose guajiro paintings came to symbolize all things Cuban, in particular the cultures of the rural poor. 17. Some comprehensive takes on Hemingway in Cuba include René Villarreal’s Hemingway’s Cuban Son and Norberto Fuentes’ Hemingway en Cuba. 18. For more on this topic, see Allie Baker’s “Stories from Cuba: An Interview with René Villarreal.” 19. As Ada Rosa Alfonso Rosales notes, among his household belongings at the Finca Vigía is “a bracelet of the July 26 Movement and bonuses of the Guanabacoa’s Popular Socialist Party which he contributed to with cash donations” (qtd. in “Hemingway Was Forced to Leave Cuba by US Embassy”). 20. As Valerie Hemingway comments, “Mary [Hemingway] called him her hijo Cubano” (Running with the Bulls 1). 21. See Meyers and Valerie Hemingway, Running with the Bulls. 22. For more on this topic, see Multicultural Psychology: Understanding Our Diverse Communities by Jefrey Mio et al., Multicultural/Multiracial Psychology: Mestizo Perspectives in Personality and Mental Health by Manuel Ramírez, and Multiculturalism as a Fourth Force by Paul Pedersen. 23. “An individual can acquire the shared knowledge of two cultures and either set of shared knowledge can become activated in the mind of the bicultural individual by certain contextual clues, and the activated knowledge set will afect the individual’s subsequent cognition, afect, and behavior” (Hong “A dynamic constructivist approach to culture” 4). 24. “Rooted in the way diferent grammatical tool kits situated actions in time. English requires its speakers to grammatically mark events that are ongoing, by obligatorily applying the –ing morpheme: ‘I am playing the piano and I cannot come to the phone’ or ‘I was playing the piano when the phone rang’” (Boroditsky “How does our Language Shape the way we hink?” 1). 25. here are many igures whose use of languages other than English is generally elided from the cultural record. Like Hemingway, John Wayne and Billy the Kidd spoke Spanish more than English at home as adults, and John Wayne’s tombstone is inscribed in that language. Babe Ruth and Lou Gehrig spoke German to each other in the dugout of Yankee Stadium, and there are many who critics treat as unhyphenated American writers—including Jack Kerouac (French/Joual), William Carlos Williams (Spanish), and Gertrude Stein (German)—for whom English was a second or third language. 26. For a more in-depth discussion of this terminology, see Susan Beegel’s “Santiago and the Eternal Feminine.” 27. hese shits in mental representations also occur in text when the author is thinking in a language other than English, as “English speakers don’t include the same information in their verbs [as speakers of Spanish]” (Boroditsky “How does our Language Shape the way we hink?” 1). 28. He writes in a letter from Hotel Ambos Mundos: “A que punto hemos llegado cuando tu me pideis (excuse lack of ability to write Spanish language) un salvoconducto para Vayo?” (21 May 1939; JFK). Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 35 29. When writing or speaking in Spanish, Hemingway occasionally used third person singular as irst person singular (a common error for English speakers); this is likely the case on two occasions—“estuvo” and “puede”—in this paragraph. Letters to Adriana cited here are available for review in the “Ernest Hemingway Collection 1860-1965” at the Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas, Austin. 30. “Simba” is Swahili for lion. 31. He also noted: “yo me case it might seem that one had retreated into the wilds of a foreign language” (13 December 1953; Ransom). 32. How it Was is a study in translingual writing, including Spanglish when an equivalent term in English does not exist (184, 206, 218, 227, 245, 269, 274, 296, 405), English that is literally translated from Spanish (209), and use of English words with Spanish meanings (292, 400). 33. For instance, while as a boy and young man Hemingway had been a fan of the Chicago Cubs, his ailiation changed to the Dodgers because they trained in Cuba (Stein 177). 34. For a more in-depth analysis of this interview, see chapter three of In Paris or Paname, by Jefrey Herlihy. 35. he term has been deined as “town, village,” as well as “nation, people” (“Pueblo” American Heritage Dictionary), “ethnic group” (“Pueblo” SpanishDict), and “Conjunto de personas de un lugar, región o país” (“Pueblo” Real Academia Español Diccionario de la lengua española) 36. “We have had a ine life here for a long time” comments Hemingway, and “We will always return here, wherever we go. his is our home” (qtd. in Paporov 1). 37. he FBI ile reads: “His opinion of the Revolutionary Government was unchanged since January—he supported it and all its acts completely, and thought it was the best thing that ever happened to Cuba.” he agent handling the ile understood these as “subversive references” (“Ernest Hemingway Part 01 of 01” 108, 106), and continued, “He sympathized with the Cuban Government, and all our diiculties. . . . Hemingway emphasized our, and was asked about it. He said that he hoped Cubans would regard him not as a Yanqui (his word), but as another Cuban” (“Ernest Hemingway Part 01 of 01” 108, FBI’s parenthetical addition). 38. Gladys Rodríguez Ferrero maintains that this circumstance is due in part to what she terms “American resentment” that Hemingway chose Cuba as a place to live and write (6). 39. For more on this phrase, see “he Matter of Being Expatriots” by Scott McClintock. 40. “¿Quedó algo por decirle? / Nada. Lo dijimos todo” (qtd. in “Gregorio y Papa” 1). 41. Mary Hemingway recalled that Santiago was a synthesis of diferent people (Valenti 179); others have noted that Anselmo Hernández García (Paporov 346), Carlos Gutiérrez (McIver 40; Paporov 349), Miguel Ramírez (Paporov 352), and Manuel Puig (Baker, Life Story 661) were models. 42. Bickford Sylvester has also observed that Manolín is at least 22, making Santiago that age or older when he moved to Cuba; as he notes: “When I was your age I was before the mast on a square rigged ship that ran to Africa,” thus, still living in the Canary Islands (OMAS 24). Sylvester demonstrates that Manolín’s “adult status” functions to reveal some of the novella’s concealed depths (“Cuban Context” 258). 43. H.R. Stoneback has noted: “I would love to prove that Santiago is really French, or FrenchGaunche” and contextualizes the argument with an account of the Norman “(blue-eyed?) Jean de Béthencourt [who] was crowned king of the Canaries in 1404” (“You Know the Name is No Accident” 169). It is important to note that Béthencourt’s descendants settled in Teguise, the former 36 | he Hemingway Review 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. administrative capital of Lanzarote, iteen kilometers from Arrecife, where Fuentes-Betancourt was born—Béthencourt has been Castilianized as Betancourt; Teguise and Arrecife have long had close ties as the latter was the principal port of entry for the capital. here are also some Franco-Norman cultural resonances to lesh out in the Canary Islands, and in Lanzarote in particular: as Joseph O’Callaghan notes, the early colonial period under the Castilian crown was marked by the “customs of France and Normandy” that were organized “according to Bethencourt’s disposition” (538). Jean de Béthencourt’s colonial rule, and then his descendants, included what Carrie Gibson terms “large-scale settlement” from the English as well as “Portuguese, Genoese, Catalans, Jews, Moors, and moriscos [Christianized Moors who] displaced the Guanches” (Chapter 2). hese factors mesh with Stoneback’s det relection that “we must add French and Guanche inluences—together with traces of Libyan, Berber, and Semitic—to the spirit of the places evoked,” all of which relate to Santiago’s background, making the old man’s “panethnicity . . . precisely the point” (“You know the Name is No Accident” 169). Gladys Rodríguez Ferrero argues, “Santiago is Cuban. His ethnicity—whether he was born in Cuba or the Canary Islands—is not important because both the ethnic heterogeneity of Caribbean and the Spanish inluence are strong in Cuba” (5). See: “El pescador que inspiró a Hemingway ‘El viejo y el mar’ recupera la nacionalidad española.” Elvira, his daughter, has been active in the Canarian Association of Cojímar. Another salient undercurrent in the novella involves pilgrimage rites; H.R. Stoneback’s work is deinitive on the Camino de Santiago in he Sun Also Rises and he Old Man and the Sea (see Reading Hemingway’s he Sun Also Rises and “You know the Name is No Accident”). For a discussion of the use of the Camino de Santiago as literary resource in he Old Man and the Sea and allusions to Hemingway’s use of the pilgrimage in Cormac McCarthy’s novel All the Pretty Horses, see Jefrey Herlihy-Mera’s “‘Mojado-Reverso’; or, a Reverse Wetback: On John Grady Cole’s Mexican Identity in Cormac McCarthy’s All the Pretty Horses.” here’s an argument to be made that Santiago has allusions to St. James the Greater (Santiago in Spanish), a igure who should, as J.K. Moore agues, be seen as: “as a pilgrim in the sense of an exile, for Santiago was buried so far from home” (315). his tendency, however, is not as common in Spanish-language criticism. For instance, see “From Ernest Hemingway to Carlos Fuentes, the consequences of being a gringo in Mexico or a Canario in Cuba” by Manuel Morales. Miriam B. Mandel observes that “the old man’s isolation” is marked by Santiago’s decision not to use the communal shed, instead “he keeps his equipment separate from the community” (351). hese are titled in Spanish: “Canarios: esclavitud blanca” and La esclavitud blanca. “1926, Tragic Massacre of canarios in Cuba.” hese people “act as though they had not let the mother country” (“Trasterrados/Empatriados” 1). In this way, he Old Man and the Sea is not unlike Good Will Hunting, in that both can be enjoyed on a supericial level and have profound unmentioned tensions that are concealed in plain sight (a canario in Cojímar’s ishing community and an Irish-Catholic in Boston’s elite protestant institutions). hese underlying social and cultural roots inform both narratives, with an expert from the subordinate community (Will Hunting and Santiago) who orients himself in the new community by their level of precision in activities valued by the dominant culture (ishing in Jefrey Herlihy-Mera | 37 Cojímar and math in Cambridge). For more on migration as a subtext in Good Will Hunting, see Jefrey Herlihy-Mera’s “Revisioning Migration: On the Stratiications of Irish Boston in Good Will Hunting.” 54. For more on this topic, see Susan Beegel’s “A Guide to the Marine Life in Ernest’s Hemingway’s he Old Man and the Sea”; also, Miriam Mandel’s comprehensive work on this topic examines a 1936 publication of the Cuban Secretary of Agriculture; she comments that “in popular usage the names albacore and bonito are both used to refer to the same ish” (348). Santiago uses the term “albacore” (30, 31) early in the struggle, and as he tires, the Canary Islands term (“bonito”) becomes his sole term for the ish (58-59, 74). 55. Some have argued that Hemingway had a Eurocentric, and even a Spanish-centric, philosophy about life in Cuba (Fuentes, Hemingway en Cuba 260). here was a running joke and caricature of Hemingway in Cuba, one that had a large forehead and read: “Soy un escritor español. Amo a España” (Paporov 189). René Villarreal recalled that when Mary Welsh, his fourth wife, was learning Spanish, “Papa eventually hired a Spanish teacher, who taught castellano [Peninsular] Spanish,” rather than cubano, “which Hemingway thought would be wiser” (qtd. in Baker “Interview”). For more on Hemingway’s image in Cuban culture, see Jonathan Dettman’s “Eclipse and Re-emergence of a Critical Discourse on Hemingway in Cuban Literature and Film.” 56. See Philip Melling’s “Cultural Imperialism, Afro-Cuban Religion, and Santiago’s Failure in he Old Man and the Sea.” WORKS CITED Athanasopoulos, Panos. “How the language you speak changes your view of the World.” Agenda, 28 Apr. 2015. Baker, Allie. “Stories from Cuba: An Interview with Rene Villarreal.” he Hemingway Project, 11 Dec. 2012. Baker, Carlos. Ernest Hemingway: A Life Story. Scribner’s, 1969. 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